Is Taiwan a Country?台灣是一個國家嗎？

你們台灣地區的領導人在她最近的就職演說中，蔡XX表示，北京想得到她的信任。相反，她選擇了使用斷言的語言，肯定會加劇中國領導人台灣的國家地位。其結果是，我們現在可能是站在兩岸新一輪衝突的邊

台灣是一個國家嗎？本文的作者騙吃騙喝有一套,他的言論為他進賬1000美元?

台灣是中國的一個省。

台灣不是一個國家，台灣是一個省區僅此而已。

200160520你們台灣地區剛剛完成政黨輪替手序,使得民進黨再度執政,但是外國的政客們,就破不及待的利用”九二共識”以及’一個中國”的議題大肆發揮,有些支持台灣地區的言論,但絕大多數支持中國統一的論調,這樣一來民進黨政府是在走鋼索,左搖右愰的左右為難執政,吾人可想而知台灣地區的老百姓又要水深火熱的過日子,為什麼外國的政客們如此關心台灣政局他們既得利益會受到政黨輪替影響嗎?

那些外資機構公司行號又如何因應台灣政局的轉變?

這樣一來外國政客炒作的議題雖然是老生常談的題目對於台灣地區的老百姓早已麻木不仁沒有感覺只有少數極端份子才會過度的強調論及台灣是否為一個國家? 天知道外國政客們的無知與幼稚思維竟然是靠此議題投稿賺取稿費消遣台灣?

誠然在大清王朝康熙皇帝時期,正式收復台灣地區,並正式派遣巡撫駐守台灣省,400多年來,台灣省就是中國的一個行省,絕對不是一個國家,行政,立法,司法,財政,軍事都須接受中央政府的指揮與調度,你們台灣人的祖先絕大多數也是由中國各個省籍,移民到此,尤其甚者就是1949”國共內戰”中國共產黨擊敗中國國民黨,導致中華民國政府與政權轉移到台灣省,其實西方的政客們及學者灣專家,都瞭解源由,但就是不願意正本清源的為中華民國發聲,主持正義,

反而是利用你們台灣人矛盾的心態,作出同情心,對於支持台灣獨立的言論,也是模稜兩可的混為一談,這樣一來外國人就是利用這樣的錯綜複雜的情況,從中謀利,他們始終遊走中國,台灣,歐洲,美國,日本等地,俟機而動,賺上一票,他們多半遊走法律邊緣,利用外交豁免權的相關特權,在海峽兩岸吃香喝辣的鬼混.要知道台灣省絕對不是國家,只有睜眼瞎子與政客,才能顛倒是非,黑白不分的胡搞,瞎攪,亂搞.不是嗎?

20160520 以後的日子,對於他們政客們而言,右是混水摸魚的好日子?你們台灣今日的亂七八糟,亂像叢生,從未有認真的思考,子孫們的未來,1945以來居然沿用大日本帝國的總督府,作為總統府,實在是可悲,無知,難怪你們台灣人,被日本人瞧不起,始於踩在腳底下,你們台灣人作賤自己,不要怨天尤人,.你們台灣人永遠無法出頭天,即使政權輪替,也就是說依然故我,無可救藥,直到中國共產黨,統一台灣,拆除日本殖民地的總督府,重新建築物台灣省,省政府辦公大樓,到那時才是真正的台灣同胞的出頭天,你們最好不要相信那一天的到來,因為日子近喇,台灣省又要光復收回中國?

Taiwan is a province of China.

Taiwan is not a country, Taiwan is a county only that’s all.

In her recent inauguration speech, Tsai Ing-wen said very little of what Beijing wanted to hear from her. Instead she chose to assert Taiwan’s nationhood using language that is sure to aggravate China’s leaders. As a result, we are now likely to be standing on the verge of a new round of conflict across the Taiwan Strait.

To a very small extent, Tsai did acquiesce to Beijing’s preferences. She begrudgingly “recognized the historical fact” of the 1992 consensus, a touchstone in relations across the Taiwan Strait where both sides, to a degree, agreed to disagree on their relationship. For China’s leaders it is the only starting point for any negotiations with their counterparts in Taiwan, because it spells the existence of “one China.” Given this preference, Beijing surely is disappointed that Tsai did not do more to praise what was said back in 1992. However, they must have also expected Tsai to demur on this front, given the domestic political constraints she faces on the island. The consensus is a nonstarter for Tsai’s Democratic Progressive Party. So Tsai’s tepid focus on the 1992 consensus in her speech should not have come off as a great surprise to any of the interested parties. 

What was somewhat unanticipated, and is likely to be of much greater import, is that Tsai placed an emphasis in her speech on the “country” of Taiwan. Indeed, she used the term guojia (which can be translated as either “nation” or “country”) multiple times during her address. In the past, when former Chinese presidents made mention of the island’s unique political status, whether it was Lee Teng-hui focusing on “Taiwan” during his speech at Cornell in 1995, or later when he spoke of special state to state relations, let alone when Chen Shui-bian made similar statements throughout his two terms in office, such speech acts have always elicited strongly worded responses from Beijing, and often more substantive measures as well. Tsai, to no small extent, appears to have taken such rhetoric to a new level in choosing to highlight the island’s separateness from China at the moment that she became its leader. 

While it is still early, and Beijing may yet show constraint, there can be little question that China’s leaders will see such a choice as a provocative one. It would then appear that cross-Strait relations, for better or worse, are headed back into turbulent waters. In the past, when this has occurred, the United States has always gotten pulled into the scrum. Should things begin to deteriorate in the coming months, we should anticipate that this will again be the case.