中國海軍司令員向各國海軍發出五點倡議 共同維護海洋和平與安全 

    http://news.xinhuanet.com/newscenter/2009-04/21/content_11228606_1.htm

新華網青島４月２１日電（記者顏昊、李宣良）中國海軍司令員吳勝利２１日在青島舉行的“和諧海洋”多國海軍高層研討會上向各國海軍發出倡議，人民海軍願與世界同行攜手合作，共同維護海洋持久和平與安全。 

    吳勝利在研討會主旨發言中說，２１世紀是海洋世紀，海洋和諧是世界各國人民共同的價值理念和美好追求。當前，海洋形勢總體趨於和平，但也面臨嚴峻挑戰，新的安全威脅因素不斷出現。構建和諧海洋，離不開各國海軍的共同參與。為此，吳勝利向各國海軍提出五點倡議：

第一，堅持聯合國主導，建設公正合理的海洋。吳勝利說，海軍是國際性軍種，在參與處理國際海洋事務和組織開展海上軍事行動中，我們應遵循《聯合國憲章》的宗旨和原則，恪守互相尊重國家主權和領土完整、在國際關係中不使用武力或威脅使用武力、平等互利、公海自由等國際關係準則，維護聯合國權威，支持聯合國在處理國際海洋事務中發揮更大的作用，在聯合國框架下積極履行海上義務。 

    第二，堅持平等協商，建設自由有序的海洋。吳勝利表示，和平安全是構建和諧海洋的首要條件。不論小國弱國，還是大國強國，都應當按照《聯合國海洋法公約》和有關的國際法，通過平等協商和談判，和平解決海上爭端，相互信任而不無端猜疑，相互借鑒而不刻意排斥，相互尊重而無高下之別，防止和避免海上軍事競爭甚至衝突，維護海上自由平等和安全有序。 

    第三，堅持標本兼治，建設和平安寧的海洋。吳勝利說，當前，恐怖主義、分裂主義、極端主義勢力猖獗，海盜、海上武裝搶劫、走私等跨國犯罪嚴重，非傳統安全威脅成為海洋和平安全面臨的巨大挑戰。各國海軍應當把維護海洋的和平安寧，作為義不容辭的使命和責任，團結一致，加強交流，務實合作，風雨同舟，共同應對全球海上安全威脅，還海洋以和平，還海洋以安寧。 

    第四，堅持交流合作，建設和諧共處的海洋。吳勝利表示，中國宣導“互信、互利、平等、協作”的新安全觀，把建設符合時代發展的海上安全合作機制作為構建和諧海洋的重要支撐，通過開展更加廣泛積極的軍事交流和海上安全合作，積極尋求共同利益交匯點，照顧各方利益，實現互惠互利，在對話中形成新的共識，在交流中增進瞭解信任，在合作中謀求共同發展。 

    第五，堅持敬海愛海，建設天人合一的海洋。吳勝利說，良好的海洋生態環境是和諧海洋的基礎，也是人類賴以生存和發展的重要條件。各國海軍應按照國際海洋環保公約的要求，採取防治結合的方式，運用先進的環保技術，保護海洋資源環境、海洋生態環境和海洋人文環境，逐步實現各國海軍艦船對海洋環境的無害化，使海洋始終成為人類生存發展進步的和諧家園。 

    吳勝利還表示，人民海軍將繼續秉承“開放、務實、合作”的精神，堅定不移地高舉和平、發展、合作的旗幟，同各國海軍一起，為維護海洋安全、構建和諧海洋做出應有的貢獻。 

    來自２９個國家的海軍代表團團長出席研討會。各國海軍領導人、艦隊司令普遍向中國海軍成立６０年來取得的成就表示祝賀，對中國海軍為維護世界和地區和平所作出的貢獻表示讚賞，並就進一步加強海上安全合作、共同構建和諧海洋達成了廣泛共識。

這次主題為「和諧海洋」的多國海軍活動，旨在加強海上安全合作，共創和諧海洋環境。四月廿三日，即中國海軍成立六十周年紀念日當天，多國艦艇海上閱兵將在青島港附近海域舉行。

根據目前排定的行程，中國國防部長梁光烈廿一日將在青島會見各國軍事代表，廿三日另有一場「首長會見」的安排，預料兼任中國軍委主席的胡錦濤，屆時不但將主持海上閱兵儀式，並將會見各國代表。

大陸軍事專家尹卓在接受《新華社》訪問時表示，這次青島海上閱兵有四大看點：大型驅逐艦將亮相、海上檢閱、多樣的國際海軍交往禮節、多國海軍艦艇匯聚。

http://news.chinatimes.com/2007Cti/2007Cti-Focus/2007Cti-Focus-Content/0,4518,9804210251+0+0+1+0,00,focus.html

在專屬經濟區內的軍事船艦偵查屬和平活動....？

美國的中國軍事專家日漸傾向將不喜歡的中國軍事舉動解釋為未受上級指揮之舉...

Just days after U.S. Secretary of State Hillary Clinton shook hands and pledged cooperation with China, the countries' first Obama-era spat broke out on the high seas. On March 9, the White House lodged an official complaint with Beijing: Five Chinese vessels had surrounded the USNS Impeccable south of the Chinese mainland near Hainan island, forcing the surveyor ship to take evasive maneuvers. Just five days earlier in the Yellow Sea, between mainland China and the Korean Peninsula, another U.S. ship, Victorious, was reportedly harassed by a Chinese vessel using a high-intensity spotlight. Despite slow-burning U.S. concerns about China's growing military presence, the incidents seemed to come without provocation or precedent -- an unwelcome surprise for a fresh U.S. administration.
In fact, the harassments of the underwater-survey ships were just the latest episodes in a series of face-offs between Chinese forces and the U.S. missions operating along China's coastline. In April 2001, for example, a U.S. EP-3 electronic surveillance aircraft collided with a harassing Chinese fighter, also in the vicinity of Hainan. The Chinese pilot died, and the heavily damaged U.S. aircraft was forced to make an emergency landing on the island where the U.S. crew was subsequently detained. A minor diplomatic crisis ensued. Now, Beijing is again resorting to dangerous maneuvers in close proximity to U.S. surveillance vessels. All of these incidents, along with other similar but less tense confrontations, have occurred within China's exclusive economic zone (EEZ), which extends 200 nautical miles from China's coastline.
So what is the United States looking for along China's coast, and why does China care? What's the game here?
In a word: intelligence. Since the late 1990s, the United States has increased its efforts to learn more about China's steadily improving defense forces. To do so, the U.S. military has deployed surveillance ships and aircraft in what the United States regards as international waters and airspace near the Chinese coast. Washington views such missions as essential to deterring or defeating future Chinese military aggression against Taiwan and generally keeping track of Beijing's most potentially threatening military deployments.
The Chinese government, for its part, regards such U.S. surveillance as both illegal and unjust: illegal because, in Beijing's view, the missions violate the Chinese interpretation of Article 58 of the U.N. Convention of the Law of the Sea governing the use of EEZs. (These oceanic zones, China argues, are near-sovereign security spaces for military activity as well as economic -- even foreign surveillance is prohibited.) Unjust because, to China, the U.S. actions are not just a violation of the Law of the Sea treaty but are aggressive, "in-your-face" military intimidation against a peaceful country by an arrogant superpower.
 Washington insists that Article 58 permits peaceful activities within the EEZ, including surveillance and transits by military vessels. The United States has always been wedded, as a global military and economic power, to the idea of free use of the ocean and airspace beyond a country's territorial waters, which extend to a maximum of 12 nautical miles from the coastline. Washington also argues that China is violating international law by conducting dangerous maneuvers against U.S. ships. 
According to the Pentagon, U.S. naval ships and aircraft regularly operate within China's EEZ without incident, and no one is sure why the Chinese chose this moment to respond in such a provocative manner. The Chinese government claims it has demanded repeatedly through diplomatic channels that Washington cease such "unlawful activities," apparently to no avail. The Impeccable's exact location may provide a clue to Chinese motivations: The ship was operating within 100 miles of a very sensitive Chinese naval base on Hainan. It is unclear whether the U.S. ship was collecting data on the activities of a new class of nuclear submarines that use the Hainan base or was simply engaged in normal underwater mapping activities within China's EEZ. China may simply be responding to what it sees as an intolerable level of surveillance, directed at one of its most secretive and sensitive military assets: submarines.
Intelligence concerns aside, Beijing's official reaction is a bit harder to fathom. The Chinese might intend to express anger over continued U.S. arms sales to Taiwan. They might also be hoping to generate support for their expansive definition of sovereignty in EEZs. It's even possible that these recent incidents could have occurred without the knowledge of China's top civilian leaders. Senior authorities such as President Hu Jintao (who also oversees military policies) are surely aware of the aggressive push back against U.S. surveillance, but it is possible that Hu is not informed beforehand about the timing and nature of specific actions taken. The Chinese Foreign Ministry bureaucracy, by contrast, is probably out of the loop from the outset, only brought in when issues become public and controversial.
There's much we don't yet understand about this latest incident. But clearly, at least some Chinese leaders regard this issue as important enough to risk a confrontation with Washington, despite a steadily improving bilateral relationship. The apparent willingness of Chinese leaders to tolerate dangerous maneuvers as a form of protest suggests a lack of regard for international laws governing ship and air contacts, raising greater concerns about Beijing's regard for internationally accepted norms.
Unfortunately, incidents at sea will undoubtedly continue. Both sides hold incompatible assumptions and have competing interests. Meanwhile, neither party looks to be interested in compromising to develop acceptable rules of the road. The situation is dangerous. These disputes over military activities could become a primary trigger for a future serious crisis -- if not conflict -- between Washington and Beijing. China's military capability will only grow, and its apparent resolve to keep the U.S. military out of its business is liable to increase accordingly.

美國防部發布的《中華人民共和國軍力報告》

美國防部發布的《中華人民共和國軍力報告》，到底列出哪些解放軍的最新進展？計分為「戰略」、「飛彈」、「海軍」、「空軍」、「陸軍」、「教戰準則」、「竊密」、以及「不對稱戰力」等項。

梁光烈：中國不能永遠不擁有航母

朱建陵／綜合報導

    　自去年底以來，中國軍方多次釋放出將建造航空母艦的訊息，三月初的人大、政協會議召開時，更達到訊息釋放的高峰。中共中央軍委委員、國防部長梁光烈廿日在北京與日本防衛大臣濱田靖一會談時，再一次表明中國建造航空母艦的強烈意願。梁光烈是近期以來表態將建造航空母艦的中國軍方最高層官員。

    　由於中國軍方建造航母的訊息越來越強烈，到訪的日本防衛大臣濱田靖一廿日在會晤時特別對梁光烈詢及有關問題。對此，據日本媒體報導，梁光烈回答說，中國擁有廣大的海域，防衛海洋的責任重大，中國海軍力量弱，有發展航母的必要。

    　「○四八工程指揮部」運作多年

    　梁光烈並向濱田靖一指出，目前世界大國中只有中國未擁有航空母艦，中國不能永遠不擁有航母。發言中，梁光烈對中國發展航空母艦表達了高度的意願。

    　雖然中國官員至今沒有明確表達發展航空母艦的詳細規畫，但據大陸媒體報導，一個專為建造、發展航空母艦的「○四八工程指揮部」已經設立，並運作多年。據指出，中共中央軍委從二○○四年八月開始著手航空母艦的準備工作，工程因此名為「○四八工程」。二○○五年，所有航空母艦的準備製造工作正式展開，包括購置艦載著陸裝置與艦載試驗機。此外，航母的動力、配電系統也已經設計完成。

    　航母準備製造工作 ○五年展開

    　近期先有美國「無瑕號」探測船在海南島南方海域與中國船隻發生爭執，又有菲律賓、馬來西亞對南沙群島主權問題提出主張，造成中國軍方護衛南海主權的壓力，發展航空母艦的聲音因此更受鼓舞。

    　為解決相關糾紛，中國採取兩條解決路徑，首先是提高發展航空母艦的聲音，其次則是闢建一個「南海巡航艦隊」。

    　繼日前派遣軍艦改裝的「魚政三一一」船前往西沙擔任巡航任務後，據《國際先驅導報》報導，大陸即將成立「南海巡航艦隊」，納入多艘大噸位、可搭載直升機的新型執法船，以避免在執法時與他方造成「軍事」衝突。據指出，目前南海區魚政局有排水量超過一千噸的執法船四艘，加上「魚政三一一」船，以及將來可能加入的軍轉民艦隻，一支強大的中國南海巡航艦隊正在浮出水面。