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【統一之國號】中文:中華民國 英文:PRC
2009/04/21 02:19 瀏覽17,702|回應13推薦0

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The Republic were most successful and achieved the greatest standardisation with the production of the 20 and 10 cash coins from 1920 onwards, marked with their value and THE REPUBLIC OF CHINA.  The design bore the crossed flags of the Republic and the striped flag of the army.  These were also minted in the provinces under the control of the various warlords.

Republic of China general issue 10 cash (undated)



王先生 鈞鑒!

這個問題問的好,您觀察入微!

我正在蒐集資料寫這篇文章,我認為 ROC 並未翻出「中華民國」之「民」,依我的了解,此「民」應該指「人民」之意,「國」本即代表「共和國」之意,「of」沒有必要翻出來,是故「中華民國」之英譯應為(PRC)!

如此兩岸統一之國名,中文應為「中華民國」,英文則為 PRC 或 PROC 。因為英文在國際應用較廣,顧及中共之國際面子,中文「民國」則脫離蘇聯共產國際「人民共和國」之國號,達到顧及中華民族民族主義主權獨立之地位。甚且,「中華民國」本就像是「中華人民共和國」之簡稱,不是嗎!

不知先生以為何?

敬祝 安祺

梅峰 謹敬

2009/4/19 王GMAIL :
>
> 請問: 中華民國(PRC) 是什麼意思 ?
>
>
>
>
>
>
>
> ----- Original Message ----- From: "梅峰"
> To:
> Sent: Saturday, April 18, 2009 6:50 PM
> Subject: 「第三勢力」座談會
>
>
>> 道歉聲明:如無意願收到《中華家國雜誌》之通知,請告知,會馬上照辦!
>>
>> 下週預告:
>>
>> 專題演講:親子教育的起源
>> 主講來賓:林定民(親子教育專家)
>>
>> 專題演講:從美金一元看天下
>> 主講來賓:徐竹民(聖經學專家)
>>
>> 專題演講:聖心致富(二)
>> 主講來賓:圓榮帥師(宇宙生命使者)
>>
>> 論壇主持:周明台(空中大學講師)
>>
>> 圓桌論壇:幸福家庭.快樂國民──家國連線的政策綱領
>> 主講來賓:莊嚴(前百萬人民倒扁總部副總指揮)
>> 與談來賓:劉德力(戰略評論家)
>> 與談來賓:徐禎傳(福寶投資股份有限公司董事)
>>
>> 與談來賓:尹盛先(海軍退役少將)
>>
>> 壹、家國論壇 中華家國雜誌社主辦
>> 貳、協辦單位 中華民國(PRC)統一中國聯盟、中華新民黨、中華四海同心會、中華安清會、台北縣愛護生命協會

【家國主義 家主政治 中華家國】健保免費連線《梅峰》


本文於 2009/05/15 22:03 修改第 6 次
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(轉貼)國父遺囑(海外版)
2009/05/19 22:48 推薦0


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三民主義,吾黨所宗;以建民國,以進大同;咨爾多士,為民前鋒;夙夜匪懈,主義是從;矢勤矢勇,必信必忠;一心一德,貫徹始終。


國父遺囑(國事版)  
余致力國民革命,凡四十年,其目的在求中國之自由平等。積四十年之經驗,深知欲達到此目的,必須喚起民眾及聯合世界上以平等待我之民族,共同奮鬥。
  現在革命尚未成功,凡我同志,務須依照余所著建國方略、建國大綱、三民主義及第一次全國代表大會宣言,繼續努力,以求貫徹。最近主張開國民會議及廢除不平等條約,尤須於最短期間,促其實現,是所至囑。
 筆記者:汪精衛 證明者:宋子文 邵元沖 戴恩賽 孫 科 吳敬恒 何香凝 孔祥熙 戴季陶 鄒 魯

國父遺囑(家事版)
余盡瘁國事,不治家產。其所遺之書籍、衣物、住宅等,一切付吾妻宋慶齡,以為紀念,余之兒女已長成,能自立,望各自愛,以繼余志。此囑。 
中華民國十四年二月二十四日
孫文 三月十一補簽

國父遺囑(海外版)
蘇維埃社會主義共和國大聯合中央執行委員會親愛的同志:
我在此身患不治之症,我的心念,此時轉向於你們,轉向於我黨及我國的將來。你們是自由的大聯合之首領,此自由的共和國大聯合,是不朽的列寧遺於被壓迫民族的世界之真遺產。帝國主義下的難民,將借此以保衛其自由,從以古代 奴役戰爭偏私為基礎之國際制度上謀解放。我遺下的是國民黨,我希望國民黨在完成其由帝國主義制度解放中國及其他被侵略國之歷史的工作中,與你們合力共 作。命運使我必須放下我未竟之業,移交與彼謹守國民黨主義與教訓而組織我真正同志之人。故我已囑咐國民黨進行民族革命運動之工作,俾中國可免帝國主義加諸中國的半殖民地狀況之羈縛。達到此專案的起見,我已命國民黨長此繼續與你們提攜。我深信,你們政府亦必繼續前此予我國之援助。親愛的同志!當此與你們訣別之際,我願表示我熱烈的希望,希望不久即將破曉,斯時蘇聯以良友 及盟國而歡迎強盛獨立之中國,兩國在爭世界被壓迫民族自由之大戰中,攜手並進以取得勝利。  
謹以兄弟之誼,祝你們平安!         
孫逸仙(簽字)




本文於 2009/05/20 03:26 修改第 1 次
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(轉貼)伍廷芳修改英文國名
2009/05/19 14:18 推薦0


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[名門望族 伍廷芳家族]一生順應國勢 後嗣散落四海 
時間: 2007-11-19


位於越秀山上的伍廷芳墓園。 本報記者 黃皓 攝

  家族大視野
  家,一個籠子在尋找一隻鳥

  作為一個詞語來說,“家族”的含義極富彈性。它的外觀可以擴展為庭院深深、深宮大院,按照中國人“家天下”的思維,甚至可以擴張到長城以內的“普天之下,率土之濱”。簡單說來,凡是墻壁以內的,那就是家。同時,它的實質又能不斷濃縮到只是一個姓氏而已,把家族圈定在文化認同意義上的種姓制度之內。

  不論如何,家猶如可大可小、收縮自如的緊箍咒一樣具有非凡的限定功能。即便僅剩下一個姓氏,這樣的功能依舊存在。那位在家庭的緊箍咒下內心痛苦萬分的卡夫卡,只得曏他的父親寫信上奏,希冀能夠得到赦免。在他看來,姓氏是限定性無限大的形容詞——這規定了他的生命是卡夫卡式的,充滿生命意志、創業雄心、征服願望。他主觀上反復強調的失敗,無非是錶明這個形容詞居然在他身上失效;而他客觀上取得的巨大成就也同樣來源於此。正是卡夫卡無法繼承(而不是背叛)他的姓氏,才使得這個家庭從反面塑造了他。他與父親的關係十分淡漠,在信裡他坦白“我倆的疏遠完全不是你的錯。可這也完全不是我的錯”,他含蓄地把罪責推委到這個神奇的形容詞上。他崇拜他的父親,卻又無法獲得來自他姓氏的文化認同。與其說他是在反抗家族姓氏,或是父親施加的咒語般的壓力,不如說他埋怨自己無法勝任,從而自卑。值得玩味的是,他小說中的主人公姓氏總與他有著微妙的關聯,或是縮寫、或是諧音、或是拼寫上的結構相同。這不僅錶明他的小說可能是自傳,從深層的意義上也暗示了這樣的信息——他因自卑而試圖反抗,敵人則是他的姓氏。那個姓氏讓他一夜之間變成了《變形記》的甲蟲,變成了《城堡》裡走投無路的K。

  卡夫卡的搏擊對象是家。在與父親的鬥爭中,他的敵人化身成自己的姓氏。在小說中,他虛構了無處不在的墻,家又變幻成一堵永遠無法推倒的迷墻。格雷戈爾·薩姆沙不幸變成甲蟲時,他驚呆了,出現了關於家的詭異形象。“這不是夢,他的房間,一間一點兒也不假的人的房間,只不過稍微小了一點,仍穩穩當當地圍在四片他熟悉的墻壁之間。”這段簡短的文字,既是卡夫卡對於居室經驗的高度濃縮,也是對於家的最直觀的觀念——狹窄逼仄,壓迫感從厚實的墻壁中分泌而出。可憐的卡夫卡從來就不是一個鬥士的形象,就如同他在父親面前永遠是個卑微的兒子一樣,他曏來缺乏魯迅踹擊鐵屋子的勇氣。墻壁橫亘在他面前,而他擁有的利器卻只是凝望的眼神,這場堂吉訶德鬥風車式的荒唐行為,竟成了卡夫卡日常生活的必需品。

  一個籠子在尋找一隻鳥——名字也好,圍墻也罷,卡夫卡永遠是籠子捕獵的對象。他既對父親一直存有微詞,又從未敢於公然違抗。在墻壁之前,他的眼神中怒視與絕望不斷交替著,卻始終沒有推倒墻壁重獲新生的念頭。事實上,他對家的恐懼僅僅來源於一種不被認同的焦慮,他渴望獲得認同而絕不打算徹底反抗家庭。恰如反抗家庭的人自己也終有成家的一天:他將在被他推倒的墻下重建家園,他將把自己反抗過的姓氏賜予一個將來可能反抗他的嬰孩。卡夫卡雖然終身未婚,但他依然帶著宗教般的虔誠說道:沒有甚麼比信仰一個家神更為幸福。  □劉旭俊(青年評論家)

  歷史的樞紐
  國家的方曏就是他的人生方曏

  1874年,32歲的伍廷芳本來在香港有份體面的工作——翻譯員,如果繼續生活下去,他也將擁有一個平凡而簡單的一生,就如同社會上絕大多數人一樣。但他還是拿出十年裡賺來的積蓄,到英國留學,求取法律學博士學位。

  1882年,在香港做了多年大律師,成為首位華人太平紳士、立法局議員,成就斐然的伍廷芳,又一次放棄自己已取得的成就,受北洋大臣李鴻章邀請,到他手下任法律顧問。在清廷任職的近三十年間,他的外交才干被突顯出來,被派任美國、日本、秘魯、墨西哥、古巴等多國公使,名滿天下。

  1911年,已是69歲並在家靜養的伍廷芳,接觸到孫中山領導的辛亥革命,發現自己多年對國家命運前途的設想與孫中山不謀而合,於是不顧年老體邁,選擇復出“反戈”,投身革命。他倡議清帝退位,並利用自己在海外的影響力,電請各國駐華使節對清政府施加壓力。他被推選為南北議和的代錶,成功促使清帝退位,以和平方式終結他曾為之效力的大清王朝,結束兩千多年的封建統治。

  這段經歷,令仕清二十八年的伍廷芳不僅沒有成為大清王朝的殉葬品,反而為他人生增加了令他載入史冊的人生最亮點。

  伍廷芳活了八十歲,他生命的起點與中國近代史的開端大體相當,這註定他的生命中必將有眾多轉折與抉擇。但是他所走的每一步,正踏准著這個時代的節奏。這是一個完整而豐富的人生,在每一個階段都完美地完成自己的任務,而每一個轉折點,都是對人生的一次提昇。

  有人認為促使伍廷芳離開香港,是他在一樁華洋訴訟案的失敗。但與其說這一事件使作為辯護律師的他對西方價值發生了信仰危機,不如說使他感受到個人命運與民族興衰之間的內在聯繫。既使他在香港可能成為港島的華人領袖,也不可能打破港島的華洋界域。自此之後,他的努力方曏,就是與國家的命運密切相聯的。

  從香港到北京的轉折中,是他回歸東方傳統的轉變。而當他跟隨孫文革命,卻又是對舊傳統的否認。於是,清朝孤臣孽子斥他為叛逆,一部分革命黨的激進之士又把他看作是舊官僚。但他卻以自己的實踐,對中西文明的優劣進行了全面的比較,正如《從西方到東方》一書所言,在政治理念上,他希望中國以漸進改良的方式,創建一個公平、正義、尊法的民主共和國,這個理念一直沒變,他的每一次轉變,也同樣朝著這個方曏。

  人的一生也許總會站在一個個十字路口上,對於生活在近代中國的伍廷芳,他所站的十字路口,不僅是他個人的,同時也是國家的。所以,他每次都選擇與國家相同的方曏。



趙泰來

  後世訪談

  受訪人:趙泰來,伍廷芳曾外孫,世界傑出華人,廣州市榮譽市民,寶墨園終身榮譽園長。他先後多次將自己及家族的無數件收藏品捐贈給國內博物館,廣州藝術博物館設有趙泰來個人館,番禺寶墨園、東莞粵暉園中也有趙泰來藏品專館。

  記者印象:在寶墨園見到趙泰來,他穿著簡單的棉質襯衫,笑呵呵地走來。他與身邊經過的每個員工熱情打招呼,每個人都認識他,每個人都把他當作熟悉的朋友。

  他是伍廷芳的曾外孫,曾經從伍廷芳等家族先輩的手中接過無數件價值連城的珍品。如今,他已經將這些收藏品捐給了全國多家博物館。

  趙泰來很享受現在的生活,捐出了藏品之後,他做回一名普通百姓,而老百姓也可以從他捐出的藏品中瞭解中國文化,他覺得,這是讓他快樂的事情。

  “本來有很多家族照片,但不敢保存”

  “伍廷芳,是我外婆的父親,所以我是他的曾外孫。但是從小到大,外婆很少跟我說起伍家的事,我只知道外婆還有一個哥哥,兩個姐妹。”趙泰來不清楚家族的故事,應該說是與當時的社會環境有關。“文革”期間,趙泰來的家庭有資本家背景,跟這些名人的關係,誰都不敢說。“當時,家裡的舊相本裡,本來有很多家族的照片,也包括伍廷芳的,但最後都燒掉了,不敢保存。”直到十四歲那年,趙泰來投奔香港的親戚後,才知道祖上的事情。

  伍廷芳的太太出身香港何氏家族,父親伍福堂也是香港名人。伍家的後人,也跟當年的名門望族有著姻親的關係。所以,“我們整個家族關係網絡錯綜複雜。”

  趙泰來說:“現在,伍廷芳的後人基本都在海外,我曾經在國外見過伍氏家族的後人,但我們都很少聯繫。”

  “為了保護藏品,她終身未嫁”

  上世紀七十年代,趙泰來從姨媽手中繼承了一批遺產。姨媽是個傳奇人物,“她美麗而有才華,為了保護這些藏品,也為了藏品不至於落入外人之手,終身未嫁。”

  沒有人知道那些藏品一共有多少。趙泰來在英國接收這批遺產時,一打開莊園的地窖門,只見大大小小的箱子,密密麻麻地藏在一個封存多年的地窖中,簡直就像打開一個寶庫,歷朝的陶瓷、皇宮用的器皿、各種名師名畫等、精美的玉器等等,藏在快發霉的箱子中。“這一批遺產,大部分是伍廷芳家族所收藏的藏品。伍廷芳做過駐外公使、外交總長,他喜歡收藏,收藏了很多珍品。”

  近百年來,家裡沒有人看過這些收藏品。“我為了整理這些藏品,用了十年時間慢慢收拾。再裝成十幾個集裝箱運來,為了籌運費,我還賣掉倫敦的四幢房子。”

  趙泰來將這些藏品全都捐給祖國,其中除了有伍廷芳的藏品之外,還有一些是幾代人的收藏和自己收藏的藏品,所以,整批藏品應該說是整個家族幾代人收藏的。

  伍廷芳的這些收藏品為甚麼會傳給外孫女,而不是兒子?趙泰來估計:當時可能將地產等物業傳給兒子,而這些藏品就留給女兒,但具體是不是這樣,也只是一種猜想。

  “他的一幅油畫像收藏在我英國的家中”

  趙泰來說:“我手中還留著關於伍廷芳的紀念品,是他一幅油畫像,收藏在我英國的家中。而番禺寓所裡掛著的,是伍廷芳晚年生日時,民國政府高官林森等人送的長篇祝詞字幅,我從藏品中收集出來,重新裝裱好。這篇祝詞一共寫了十幾個條幅,前面的幾幅送給南京博物館。”

  現在,趙泰來偶爾會到伍廷芳在越秀山上的墓園拜祭他。但對於他來說,“我更希望的是中國的老百姓能夠看到更多中國的文化。捐出來,讓更多百姓看到這些藏品,瞭解中國古代的文化,為中國百姓做一點事情,這才是我的希望。”

  □ 專家視角
  伍廷芳曾參與修律廢除酷刑

  講述人:黃淼章,市政協文史委員會副主任,2002年,在他的促成下,舉辦了伍廷芳誕辰160周年紀念座談會。
  
  伍廷芳畢業那年,清朝駐美公使陳蘭彬邀他赴美國當領事,伍廷芳正要赴美,得知駐英公使郭嵩燾到倫敦,於是去拜訪郭。郭嵩燾一聽伍廷芳的見解,馬上覺得這是可用之才,想留他在駐英領館,但伍廷芳去意已決。郭嵩燾曏駐美公館要人不得,便曏李鴻章求助。這樣一來,由於郭嵩燾四處尋訪,本來默默無名的伍廷芳,卻在清廷中聲名鵲起。

  伍廷芳參與過多項重要外交活動,並任駐美國、日本、秘魯、墨西哥、古巴等國公使。他還和沈家本一起修訂《大清現行刑律》,廢除各種不人道的酷刑。

  辛亥革命爆發,已經69歲的伍廷芳復出,投入民主革命大潮中,剛開始,就連孫中山都不是很信任他,認為他是清廷的遺老。但在此後多次交往中,對伍廷芳越來越重視,當孫中山就任非常大總統時,分別任命伍廷芳父子為外交總長、次長;北伐時,伍廷芳在廣州代總統職權。但是在陳炯明兵變之時,伍廷芳悲憤交集而逝。孫中山寫下一千多字的祭文。

  伍廷芳一生豐富多彩,但他一直是無黨派人士,也許正因如此,沒有黨徒黨孫為其宣傳,因而被人慢慢淡忘了。



1900年前的伍廷芳。



1908年的伍廷芳。伍廷芳的一生豐富多彩,他每次都選擇與國家發展相同的方曏,可謂“與時俱進”。



伍廷芳的夫人。



伍廷芳之子伍朝樞。



伍廷芳塑像。 黃皓 攝

  □ 族譜詞典
  伍廷芳
  曾被任命為“太平紳士”

  伍廷芳(1842一1922),廣東新會人。字文爵,號秩庸,生於新加坡。1845年隨父歸國。1874年他自費留學英倫,入倫敦法律學院攻讀法律,畢業後考取英國律師,1878年被第八任港督任命為“太平紳士”,1880年成為香港立法局第一位華人議員。

  1882年起入直隸總督李鴻章幕府任職,多次參加清政府的外交談判。先後任清政府駐美國、西班牙、秘魯、古巴等國公使及修訂法律大臣、會辦商務大臣、外務部右侍郎、刑部右侍郎等職。

  武昌起義後,他宣佈贊成共和,被南方各省代錶推為外交總代錶和革命軍全權代錶,參加南北議和。南京政府成立後,任司法總長、外交總長、代國務總理等職。不久,他與孫中山南下廣州,參加護法運動,任護法軍政府外交部長,1922年任廣東省長。同年6月,他憤於陳炯明叛變而病逝,終年80歲。
  
  何妙齡
  香港第二位華人牧師

  何妙齡,伍廷芳的夫人。何妙齡家族是香港華人社會中非常有影響的家族,其父何福堂,畢業於馬禮遜在馬六甲創辦的英華書院,後皈依基督教,1845年受封為牧師,是繼梁發之後的香港第二位華人牧師;其兄何衛臣,為香港第一位華人律師;其弟何啓,是中國早期維新思想的代錶人物,也是香港著名的華人領袖。在這樣的環境中成長的何妙齡小姐,受過良好的教育,她成為伍廷芳一生事業的有力支持者。被認為“美麗、嫻靜、親切而高貴,她有高尚的思想和慈善的心腸。”
  
  伍朝樞
  曾擔任廣州市長

  伍朝樞(1887-1934),伍廷芳之子。生於天津,10歲起隨時任駐美公使的父親伍廷芳留美,20歲赴英倫敦大學攻讀法律,國學西學皆精通,中文、英文均文筆洗練優美。自1911年任武昌軍政府外交司司長起步入政壇和外交界,先後任北洋政府外交部條約委員會委員長、眾議員等職,1917年起追隨孫中山革命,歷任大本營外交部長、廣州市長、南京國民政府外交部長、中國駐國際聯盟全權代錶、駐美公使、廣東省政府主席等職,曾馳譽國際外交界及國內政壇。
  
  趙泰來
  文物收藏家、畫家

  伍廷芳曾外孫。1954年生於廣東東莞,英籍華人,文物收藏家、畫家。他先後多次將自己及家族的5萬多件收藏品捐贈給國內博物館,其中包括一批國家一級、二級文物,價值連城。獲“全球世界傑出華人奬”,與陳香梅、金庸等同台領奬。

  趙泰來因曏祖國捐贈眾多文物獲許多榮譽,包括:廣州市榮譽市民、寶墨園永遠名譽園長、中國華文教育基金會藝術顧問等。

  □ 地理記憶
  墓地安寧,故居不復

  伍廷芳逝世之時,正是陳炯明炮轟總統府的時候,他在悲憤交加之中病重去世。家人按他的遺願進行火葬,並埋在廣州東郊、黃花崗附近的一望崗。

  1922年伍廷芳去世時,孫中山非常悲痛,親手寫下千言墓志銘,當時的著名詩人、雕塑家李金發為伍廷芳塑銅像。十幾年後,伍廷芳的兒子伍朝樞因病去世,也與父親合葬一起。“文革”其間,伍廷芳墓地的銅像被拿去大煉鋼鐵,墓園也被工廠占領。一直到1988年,伍廷芳父子墓被遷至越秀山中山紀念碑的東面山坡上,緊靠著孫中山讀書治事處與中山紀念碑。

  一個週末,我前往越秀山參觀伍廷芳墓,雖然公園裡游人眾多,但墓園附近非常安靜,只有一兩名練太極拳的老人家。伍廷芳墓亭平面為十字形,墓旁有伍廷芳塑像,是後來以水泥仿原像重塑。伍氏塑像頭戴瓜皮帽,身穿長衫馬褂,神態安詳地端坐於沙發上。左側是伍朝樞墓,墓亭平面呈均等的4瓣花形。孫中山題的千言墓志銘立於中間。

  除了伍廷芳墓地之外,廣州市內找不到其他關於伍家的故居。黃淼章說,雖然有記載伍氏在廣州的住所是在芳村,但他曾經到芳村尋訪,也沒有找到一點遺跡。

  □ 家族逸事
  伍廷芳修改英文國名

  伍廷芳語言嚴謹。據資料記載,辛亥年,伍廷芳為中華民國駐滬全權代錶。當時各領事來往公函,皆稱中華民國為“Chinese Republic”。伍廷芳說:“此意甚狹,謂‘中國之共和’,即共和為中國局部也。宜用共和之中國Republic of China,其義甚廣,謂共和屬於全中國也。”於是,以公函照會各領事,以此英文定名,此後也一直沿用這一英文定名。 
  
  第一個火葬的人

  清未,日本人在南石頭建了一間火葬場,有燃柴火化爐一座,僅供日本僑民使用。民國初年,有僧人在小北下塘建成白雲莊火葬場,使用的也是燃柴火化爐,供僧人使用。1922年6月,伍廷芳去世後,後人按其生前意願,運送到南石頭火葬場火化,當時風俗以土葬為主,火葬很少,伍廷芳可以說是開了先河。
  
  伍朝樞請教城市建築

  1925年8月,時任廣州市長的伍朝樞發布布告,希望各界專家對廣州市政建設獻計獻策,市長將虛心請教。布告稱:“廣州市政建設雖然舉辦多年,但是經營慘淡,只是初具規模。朝樞此次兼任市職,理應竭盡全力為廣大民眾服務,並與市民同甘共苦。……廣州人口眾多,有很多仁人志士、科學專家,希望能邀請對市政建設過程中有真知灼見的人士獻計獻策,例如需要興建、改善、革除的事項,或是有哪方面的問題亟待解決等等。但是應以能夠得以施行為準則,切勿空談。朝樞必當虛心受教,並採納、實施。”
  
  何妙齡興學辦醫院

  伍廷芳致力教育,在新會縣會城鎮友竹伍公祠開設了“廷芳義塾”,免收學費、雜費,還供給學生文具書籍。他去世後,夫人何妙齡繼承丈夫義務辦學精神,將原校改名“廷芳義學”,把在會城宮來橋的祖屋部分改建為校捨,使學校擴大為完全小學。

  何妙齡還斥資在香港建成何妙齡醫院,為當年香港的醫療服務作出了很大貢獻。後來何妙齡醫院與雅麗氏醫院、那打素醫院合併,建成新院,也就是現在的雅麗氏何妙齡那打素醫院。
  
  章太炎暗諷伍廷芳

  一夜白髭須,多虧東皋公救難;

  片時灰骸骨,不用西門慶花錢。

  ——著名民主革命家、思想家章太炎(炳麟)輓伍廷芳

  章太炎素惡伍廷芳。伍廷芳逝世後,其子伍朝樞赴上海奔喪,特地拜訪章太炎。伍朝樞說:“先父身體康健,只因總理(指孫中山)蒙難,奔走湘粵,操勞過度,遂致病倒,十天之中,須發皆白……”章太炎道:“伍子胥一夜須白過昭關,君家早有先例。”伍朝樞又說:“火葬如在歐美,極為尋常。惟在中國,尚屬創見。”章太炎哂笑道:“我國古已有之,武大郎就是火葬。”次日,章太炎送去了這一副輓聯。又有另一版本為:

  一夜變須眉,難得東皋公定計;

  及時移骨殖,不用西門慶花錢。

  □ 坊間一語
  王堅(廣州市藝術博物院分館部主任)

  趙泰來先生給藝博院捐的藏品,用一個15米長的大集裝箱裝滿運來。我們請國家文物鑒定會成員鑒定,有很多是國家二級文物以上的藏品。其中以唐卡最突出,這些唐卡從晚唐到宋初一直到民國時期,自成系列,據說除了布達拉宮之外,國內可能只有藝博院的趙泰來收藏館有這樣成系列的唐卡。他生活簡樸,人也很隨和,對中國文化有深刻的認識。

  本版撰文:本報記者 郭毓玲

  本版圖片除署名外均為資料圖片
 
名门望族
[名门望族 伍氏家族]当年富甲天下 而今亲情续缘 
时间: 2007-09-30

海幢公园附近,溪峡新街一带,这里曾经都是伍家的产业。本报记者 黄皓 摄

  家族大视野
  贵族之不存久矣
  中国社会是个以家族关系为纽带的传统社会模式,也正因此,在传统社会向现代社会转型的过程中,传统家族制度成为罪魁祸首,受到诸如打倒孔家店、反封建、土改、四清、斗私批修、破四旧等一系列“革命话语”的冲击。曾有“五四”当年的亲历者回忆说:“我在南京暑期学校读书,曾看见一个青年,把自己的名字取消了,唤作‘他你我’。后来在北京,在北大第一院门口碰见一个朋友带了一个剪发女青年,我问她:‘你贵姓?’她瞪着眼看了我一会,嚷着说:‘我是没有姓的!’还有写信否认自己的父亲的,说:‘从某月某日起,我不认你是父亲了,大家都是朋友,是平等的。’”
  “大家是平等的”,这生而为人的一句话,启蒙与觉醒的第一步,同时却也是宗法氏族的衰败之始,“旧时王谢”之家从此绝矣。曾读过一本“往事并不某某”的书,讲到很多世家大族在革命话语面前的坚守与衰微,其中给我印象最深的,就是随着世家大族的式微,一种贵族精神也逐渐终结。
  贵族是什么意思?那不仅仅是气质上的优雅、骨子里的优越和生活里的优裕,贵族不仅仅是一种身份和地位,更是一种人生态度。贵族首先代表一种生而为人的尊严,任凭历史的洪流如何冲刷,真正的贵族不会随波逐流,他们有自己一贯的态度,“只向内心求生活”,能在洪流中树立起自己歪斜却从容的身影。贵族表达一种教养精神,一种传承的态度。记得在那本“往事并不某某”的书中,曾写到一代名士张伯驹,他背着双手徒步去吃西餐的背影让我动容。这个老派的贵族食不厌精脍不厌细,天生厌恶粗俗,乐于献身于一种“优雅趣味”。秉受一种优裕的传统教养,终其一生,他都没有离开那些老派贵族的作风与趣味太远。收藏,玩古,玩票,玩洋,他寻求那些稀有的、未被大众趣味糟蹋的玩法,且每玩一样,都要达到一个贵族的最高极致。在不属于自己的时代,他对生活质量的要求也不会降低,也不会取消早点和下午茶。他的姿态要么倨傲,要么厌倦,甘做一匹瘦死的骆驼,架子丝毫不倒。真正的贵族心中必有大爱,爱人,爱己,爱物,并“依靠那种已经融入某些物品和个人风格之中的爱来滋养自己”,爱的风向标指向内心。真正的贵族,常常能够超越具体的功利目的,具有某种天然的自由精神,而这恰恰是新式体制人物所缺乏的。
  在时代面前,最后的贵族如恐龙般消失,贵族之不存久矣。在那个贵族苟延残喘的时代,人性恶被重新唤起,影响延续至今。而今天,在这个大众文化喧嚣沸腾的时代,原子式的个人面临身份认同的焦虑感和人伦归宿的虚无感,对“家族”的追寻与认同日益强烈。中国人有一句俗话,叫做三辈子学吃,五辈子学穿,贵族不是一天所能养成的。如今,怎样重新做一个贵族,怎样传承那种维护尊严、爱人爱己的贵族精神,并以此精神来对抗群氓、对抗粗鄙,是每一个现代人都应该认真思考的问题。
  □ 朵渔(诗人)

  家族溯源
  关于伍氏家族
  伍怡和家族来自福建,康熙初年入粤。伍氏入粤以后,从事商业,到了伍国莹这一代,开始参与对外贸易。
  伍氏家族的发迹稍迟于十三行另一大户人家潘家,然而后来居上,并超过潘家。1834年,伍家资产约有2600万两白银,被当时的西方称为“天下第一富翁”。2001年,美国《亚洲华尔街日报》将伍氏商人评为千年来全球最富的50人之一。
  伍氏家庭中,以伍秉鉴与伍祟曜最为著名。在他们任行商期间,同欧美各国的重要客户都建立了紧密的联系。当时,中国最著名的出口贸易产品就是茶叶,而且欧洲人对茶叶质量十分挑剔,但伍家所供应的茶叶却被英国公司鉴定为最好的茶叶,并标以最高价出售。1813年,怡和行取代同文行成为广州十三行的领头人——总商。
  伍氏家族曾拥有巨大的房产,伍秉鉴故居在今天海珠区海幢公园左侧溪峡一带,并建有伍家祠堂,然而今天,除了一条“伍家祠道”,曾经的繁华也只能在史料中寻觅了。

  历史的枢纽
  曾经的“天下第一富翁”

  全世界人民几乎都知道有一个比尔·盖茨,这个现在世界上最富有的人,大家都记得他的眼镜,还有标志的蓝色衬衣;全中国人民几乎都知道有一个李嘉诚,这个现在华人世界里的首富,大家都记得他的一口潮式广东话,还有他的长江实业,甚至有香港的狗仔队定期定点地去翻李首富家的垃圾桶,然后兴高采烈地向看官们报道有钱人的生活到底如何。
  这一切,都是在二十一世纪的今天。有人说,这是一个笑贫不笑娼的年代,有钱人——特别是首富,成为了所有视线集中的焦点,在镁光灯下,在水银灯下,在漂亮的杂志铜版纸上。
  而在一百五十年前的中国,1834年,在我们生活的周围,广州十三行,也出了一个世界首富。怡和行,伍氏家庭,2600万银元,这是一个商行,以及它的掌权家族,还有当时他们的资产。有人估算这相当于今天的50亿人民币,就是这个数字,在当时西方人的眼中是世界上最富有的。
  2001年的时候,《亚洲华尔街日报》评选过去1000年来,全球最富有的50个人。有6个中国人入选:“一代天骄”成吉思汗、忽必烈爷孙俩、乾隆的宠臣和珅、明朝的大太监刘瑾、蒋家王朝的皇亲国戚宋子文,还有一位就是伍氏家族的伍秉鉴,“十三行”怡和行的掌门人。有人说,当年的伍秉鉴们,要是拿这笔钱去欧洲、美国,搞收购、做兼并,估计买一堆500强之类的眼睛都不眨,估计连后来的鸦片战争都免了,清朝商人控制着人家的一大块产业,哪有自己人打自己人的?
  也许自己人本不想打自己人,只是在那样一个时代中,江湖中没有武林人士,有的,只是腐败的清政府、帝国主义列强,任你是首富,也富不过三代,甚至两代。商人也许重利轻别离,然而在这样一个看似繁盛,实际却根本没有真实掌握自己主权与财富的时代,一切终将如浮华掠过,只留下涟漪。伍秉鉴或许可以当着那位欠自己7.2万银元的外国人撕碎他的欠条,但他也许根本没有想到1834年,伍家却要在清政府勒令下偿还外商债务300万元中的100万,还有烟价余款。
  许多历史学家对于伍家,从伍秉鉴到伍祟曜,评价是贬多于褒,他们走的是一条与旧式商人不同的历史道路,从封建官商到买办商人。然而放到十九世纪的那个大环境中,又有多少商人,能走出不一样的道路,而且取得如此辉煌的名声与财富,还有世界地位。那时候,这其实是一个名符其实的跨国财团,地产、房产、茶山(武夷山)、店铺和巨款,而且在美国投资铁路、证券交易和保险业务等,我们只能从历史的片言只语中,看到这繁荣的外贸和富有的行商群体。
  今天,伍家的后人四处散落,在伍家后人伍凌立那里,我得到一张他们后人聚会的照片,因为同一个姓氏,因为一脉相承,他们坐在了同一张桌子上。
  当财富散尽了,没有了祠堂,没有了故居,能够维系的,也许只能是血缘了。

  后世访谈
  由于伍秉钧无子,因此过继了伍秉鉴次子伍元兰入嗣,伍元兰又无子,再过继其兄长伍元芝之次子伍长绵入嗣。之后伍长绵子孙繁盛。故伍秉钧之后人,实际也是伍秉鉴后人。几经周折,我们找到了这一分支的由伍秉鉴算起的第七代传人,伍凌立。他的父亲伍丕舜,曾留学美国,后任华南农业大学教授,2001年去世。
  伍凌立,1956年12月出生,工民建工程师、房地产经济师,现居深圳。近二十年来一直在收集关于伍家的资料、寻找其他伍家后人。
  “‘文革’时,我爸爸不敢去祠堂”
  记者:你是怎么知道自己的家族的故事的?
  伍凌立:在我小的时候,只从亲朋好友中得知一些伍家以往的事情。近十年前才知是清代广东名家。
  记者:你现在手头的资料和这些族谱是从哪里得来的?
  伍凌立:部分是从伍润斐原始家谱中实拍得来,不足部分是从荔湾区地方志胡主任手中得来的。名义上我们就是属于伍秉钧这一支,但是他是没有儿子的,所以实际上我们是从伍秉鉴一支过继来的。早些年时,还没找到族谱,有的人说我父亲长得像伍秉鉴,开始自己也莫名其妙,后来查看了这个族谱才知道原由。
  记者:你对自己家族的关注到现在为止持续多久?
  伍凌立:我年轻时就对家族的历史比较感兴趣,都有二十多年了。在我十几二十岁的时候问我的父亲,他有很多都答不出来。
  记者:你父亲知道得比你还少?
  伍凌立:就现在而言,他知道得肯定比我少。不过在他年轻的时候,他的爸爸,即我的爷爷知道得比较多。从父亲得知广州沦陷前家宅已被日军飞机炸弹炸毁,我爸爸是抗日的积极分子,我十叔也是抗日时期去当兵的,因此当时他们对这些也不是很感兴趣。
  记者:你父亲会跟你讲家族的事情吗?
  伍凌立:他讲得很少,没有讲过。
  记者:他是知道得少所以没讲,还是知道很多但是没有讲。
  伍凌立:我估计我父亲是知道,但他不敢讲。因为“文革”时已经查过我父亲会不会是福建过来的逃亡地主了,我爸爸也不敢去祠堂。以前破四旧反封建,这些都属于是封建,是政治问题。
  记者:你从你父亲那里知道的东西不多,那还从其他什么人那里去了解?你爷爷呢?
  伍凌立:我爷爷很久就去世了,上世纪三十年代的时候,都没有办法问到了。主要都还是查资料,现在很多都是荔湾区地方志的胡主任考究出来的,写出来的资料。以前的很多都是不齐全的,我很早以前,一九八几年的时候就搜集到的伍家的资料,都是不详尽的。
  记者:家中没有什么遗留下来的物品吗?
  伍凌立:什么都没有,我估计是因为战乱,再加上“文化大革命”,什么都没有了。据我所知,有一房的人在土改和“文革”时期,因为害怕,就把所有的东西都上交了。我跟他们聊过,那一房的人现在都没有男丁了,只有两个女的,而且她们的很多事情都是从她们舅舅那里听来的。
  “能找到的伍家后人都有联系”
  记者:你还知道其他伍家的后人吗?
  伍凌立:我的九叔对于家族的事情,应该比我爸爸还清楚,而且我知道他们一直与伍家祠都有来往。很多后人都失散了,有的有联系,很多已经过世了。
  记者:你怎么联系到其他后人的?
  伍凌立:我以前曾经去采访过一个四房的人,在广州。
  记者:你是什么时候去采访的?
  伍凌立:很久以前了,八十年代初的时候,我当时去伍家祠的时候,他说他妈姓伍,名为伍七妹。
  记者:那人是第几代的?辈分高吗?
  伍凌立:跟我们是同一代的。在伍家的后人中,现在还有一个在东方宾馆做大厨的,有一个是加拿大回来的,当时他回广州寻亲,是我建议他去荔湾区政府找,他没有车,还是我开着车送他去的。在荔湾区地方志看到族谱,而做相关研究的胡主任就说,知道华农还有一个教授也是伍家的后人,我说就是我爸爸了,对照着族谱,真的找到我的名字。
  记者:现在后人间的血缘关系应该都是比较亲近的吧?
  伍凌立:是的,都是表的、堂的兄弟姐妹。年纪最大的是一位老人家,住在光复路,不过年纪已经很大了,事情基本上都记不清楚了,原来家谱是在他手上的,后来才落到别人手中。
  记者:现在大家都有来往吗?
  伍凌立:现在能找到的都有联系,还有一些是联系不上的,特别是有些可能去了海外,我们找不到,要慢慢去找。希望他们看到报纸后,能够与我们联系。
  “最重要的是伍国莹这一家人”
  记者:伍秉鉴这个角色很重要吧?
  伍凌立:其实出名的不光是伍秉鉴,伍秉钧之后才是他,这里有个发展过程,实际上最重要的是伍国莹这一家人。
  记者:是他首先创建了怡和商行。
  伍凌立:对的,这个人最重要了。
  记者:这个人是创始人,不过将商行发扬光大的应该还是伍秉鉴吧。
  伍凌立:不对,其实在伍秉钧的时候已经很昌盛了。伍秉钧死后才由伍秉鉴来接任家业,继续发展,才做成了首富。
  记者:对创始人伍国莹你了解吗?
  伍凌立:他们两个人的事情,我都是最近才清楚的。我以前并不清楚,也许我们这个家族中也有人知道,不过也都是听别人说,传来传去知道的,没有历史考究。因为以前有一种说法说伍家是卖国的,现在这种观点才被慢慢澄清,它不是伍家的主流。比如我爸爸那一辈,五兄弟就有四个是做正事的,家家都有不好的事情或人,这是不可避免的。
  记者:十三行中的另一个潘氏家庭,有后人专门为自己的家族写书,你有没有打算联合其他后人也写本书?
  伍凌立:现在都没有人理这些事情了,我自己也没有这么多时间去找,我是作为一种探索自己历史的目的去搜集资料,也主要只能靠自己居多了。现在是只能是工作之余做些资料搜集的工作,等我退休以后有时间,去查更多的资料,确定伍家的名人都做了些什么事情,我才可以开始写。这是一项很浩大的工程,涉及的地方可能遍及全国各地。

  □ 族谱词典
  伍国莹
  “怡和行”创始人

  伍国莹(1731-1810年),早先在潘家的同文行内当账房,积累了经验与财富。在没有担任行商之前,伍国莹与英国东印度公司已有商业往来。1783年,伍国莹才在海关监督的要求下充当行商。伍国莹被外商称为“浩官”,成为19世纪前期国际商界上一个响亮的名字。

  伍丕武
  抗日战争积极救亡者

  伍丕武(1921-1953),伍秉鉴第七代后人,生于广州。中学时积极参加抗日救亡运动,在反日寇扫荡的一次袭击日军战斗中,全队人马被猛烈的炮火袭击,仅他一人幸免于难,双耳震聋。1953年11月病逝,享年32岁。

  伍秉鉴
  1834年的世界首富

  伍秉鉴(1769-1843年),又名伍敦元,祖籍福建。1801年,伍国莹的儿子伍秉鉴继承伍家怡和洋行的业务。在伍秉鉴手中,怡和行迅速发达,一些西方学者称他是“天下第一大富翁”。1834年时,伍家自己估计,他们的财产已有2600万银元,有人估算这相当于今天的50亿人民币。

  伍丕舜
  广东农业机械业先行者

  伍丕舜(1916-2001),生于广州,曾在台湾大学任教、留学美国密西根大学,后来任华南农业大学教授,是华南农业大学农业机械化系的创始人和广东省农业机械化事业的创始人之一。

  □ 家族轶闻
  伍秉鉴给中国商人带来好名声
  一美国商人和伍秉鉴合作,由于经营不善,欠了伍秉鉴7.2万银元债务,但他没能力偿还,所以无法回到美国。伍秉鉴听说后,马上叫人把借据拿了出来,对波士顿商人说:“你是我的第一号‘老友’,你是一个最诚实的人,只不过不走运。”说着就把借据撕碎,向对方表示他们之间的账目已结清,对方可以随时回国。伍秉鉴的这个举动让中国商人的名声在美国脍炙人口。

 

1834年的世界首富伍秉鉴。资料图片

现放在海幢公园正门的观赏石就是当年伍家花园里的。 黄皓 摄

上世纪六十年代初伍丕舜全家福。

伍丕舜去干校前全家福。

伍家后代聚会合影(左五为伍凌立)。

 □ 专家视角
  从伍秉鉴被摘三品顶戴谈起

  受访人:荔湾区地方志办副研究员胡文中
  1821年,道光皇帝根据两广总督阮元的奏折,以夷船私贩偷销鸦片,“洋商伍敦元(伍秉鉴)并不随时察办,与众商通同徇隐,情弊显然。着伍敦元所得议叙三品顶戴即行摘去,以示惩儆。”
  虽然有些学者认为伍秉鉴“很可能还贩卖鸦片”,然而还没有确凿事实加以证实。从法学的角度看,“很可能贩卖”与“贩卖”这是两个差别很大的概念。应当承认自从1807年由伍秉鉴出任总商后,在今天的外国文献可查到当时有沐士方、人和两名行商涉及少量鸦片贸易,伍秉鉴应对此负有连带责任。但我认为,对当时鸦片走私进入中国

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(轉貼)Republic of China, ROC 先于中華民國的出現
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從三個名詞的微觀角度透視辛亥革命----------------------------------------------蔣永敬

國立政治大學

一、 前言

辛亥革命中的三個名詞:中華民國、三民主義、國民革命,皆源於中國同盟會成立之後。九十年來,已成為家喻戶曉、耳熟能詳最流行的觀念。但此三個名詞的產生,並非一躍而就,而是有其複雜的過程與背景,與中國傳統、時代潮流有不可分離之關係,對辛亥革命運動之作用與影響,至為深遠。本文將以微觀的角度,來檢視這三個名詞產生的過程和背景,藉以透視辛亥革命的意義和性質。

二、 中華民國

自八0年代兩岸三地學者頻繁交流以來,對於學術研究,也帶來新的刺激。使之過去許多不是問題的問題,經過討論或爭論,便有了問題而須重新思考了。而此三個名詞,亦正如此。即以"中華民國"一詞而言,一九八一年辛亥革命七十周年,日本學者為倡起兩岸學者交流,發起辛亥革命學術討論會,希望兩岸學者參加,此盛事也。其時臺灣方面尚未"開放",既怕"統戰",但又不甘"示弱",乃在日本演了"對臺戲"。大陸學者會於東京,來自臺灣中華民國學者會於橫濱。其時日本已承認中華人民共和國,日本有的學者對"中華民國"國號不免質疑。會中有一日本學者提問:中華民國國號創自何時、何地、何人?此乃不成問題之問題也。但來自中華民國的學者不免為之一楞。幸筆者對《孫文學說》第八章有深刻之印象,乃即席答之曰:一九0五年八月二十日孫中山創之於東京也。其文曰:

"成立革命同盟會於東京之日(按即一九0五年八月二十日),吾(孫中山自稱)始信革命大業可成身而成矣。於是乃敢定立中華民國之名稱,而公佈於黨員,使之各回本省,鼓吹革命主義,而傳佈中華民國之思想焉。"

此答案精確否?如用微觀透視之,即有問題了。經遍查一九0五年孫中山之著述及同盟會有關文獻,以及當時報刊如《民報》之文字,找不出《中華民國》這一名詞。一直到一九0六年十二月二日孫中山在《民報》周年紀念會的演講詞中,始三次提到"中華民國憲法"。章炳麟慶祝詞中亦有"中華民國萬歲"之口號。稍後,孫中山制訂《同盟會革命方略》之<軍政府宣言>中有雲"制定中華民國憲法,人人共守";並謂"奉成自由平等之資格,中華民國之根本,胥於是乎在焉".

"中華民國"名詞之確立,乃是經過長時期的演進。早在一九0三年孫中山在東京青山成立軍事學校時,學生入學誓詞有"恢復中華、創立民國"詞句,一九0五年的同盟會會員入會誓詞因之。這是"中華"和"民國"的出現,連在一起,便是"中華民國"了。惟的多年來流行的"中華民國"英文名詞(Republic of China, ROC)則先于中文名詞的出現。一九0四年秋孫中山在紐約發表的<中國問題的真解決>(The True Solution of the Chinese Qudstion)英文本中,即提到"把這個不合時宜的韃靼帝國,要改造?中華民國",其英文原文為:The transformation of this out-of date Tartar Monarchy into a Republic of China 。早期的譯本,譯為"改良滿州往日專制政體,變為支那共和之政體"則較失真。在同盟會正式成立的一周之前,即一九0五年八月十三日孫中山對東京留學生演講詞中,尚用"大共和國"名詞也。

"中華民國"一詞,依章炳麟(太炎)在《民報》發表<中華民國解>,極富中國傳統意義,其文雲:

"漢家建國,自受封漢中始,於夏水則為同地,於華陽則為同州,用為通稱,適與本名符會,是故華雲、夏雲、漢雲,隨牽一名,互攝三義,建漢名以為族,而邦國之義斯在;建華名以為國,而種族之義亦在此中華民國之所以諡。

中華民國一詞之意義,依《同盟會革命方略》<軍政府宣言>所列"恢復中華、建立民國"兩網之說明,則具傳統與現代之雙重性。其文曰:

"恢復中華:中國者,中國人之中國,中國之政治,中國人任之。驅除韃虜之後,光復我民族的國家。敢有為石敬瑭、吳三桂之所為者,天下共擊之。"

"建立民國:今者由平民革命,以建國民政府,凡為國民皆平等以有參政權。大總統由國民公舉,議會以國民公奉之議員構成之,制定中華民國憲法,人人共守。敢有帝制自為者,天下共擊之。
依前之說明,"中華"意義,寶貝"漢賊不兩立"之傳統性;"民國"意義,則具現代性,行民主而反傳統帝制。

三、 三民主義

三民主義,初稱三大主義,首次公諸於世,見稱孫中山所撰<民報發刑詞>,載於一九0五年十一月二十六日在東京出刊的同盟會《民報》第一號。其文有雲:

"餘維歐美之進化,凡以三大主義,曰民族,曰民族,曰民權,曰民生。

繼述三者在歐美進化之過程與世界之潮流,遂即指出中國之迫切的需要:

"今者中國以千年專制之毒而不解,異稱殘之,外邦逼之民族主義,民權主義殆不可以須臾緩。而民生主義歐美所慮稱重返者,中國獨受病未深而去之易。

至於何時習稱三民主義?馮自由在其所著《革命逸史》中指出是在《民報》出版後,在其主持之香港《中國日報》刊登廣告,介紹《民報》,以民族民權民生三大主義為冗長不便,乃簡略之為三民民主義。孫中山亦以為適合而採用之。

今按孫中山有關著述,一直到一九一二年四月三日的演講詞中,始用三民主義一詞。在此之前,皆用三大主義也。

三大主義的提出,是以世界的眼光來看中國問題。中國問題之解決,不能自外於世界。這一進步的概念,則是就其十年以上在外觀察研究所得,構成此一結論。但如進一步的去考察,仍以中國傳統為基礎。例如講到民族主義,中山曾謂:"餘之民族主義,特就先民所遺留者,發揮而光大之,且改良其缺點。"講到民權主義,則雲:"共和者,我國治世之神髓,先哲之遺業也。我國民之論古者,莫不傾慕三代之治,實能得共和之神髓而行之者也"。"中國古昔有唐虞之揖讓,湯武之革命,其垂為學說者,有所謂"天視自我民視,天聽自我民聽";有所謂"開誅一夫紂,未聞為君";有所謂"民為貴,君為輕",此不可謂無民權思想矣。然有其思想而無其制度,故以民立國之制,不可不取資於歐美。就民生主義言,則曰:"吾國治民生主義者,發達最先,睹其禍害於未萌,誠可奉政治革命、社會革命畢其功於一役。遠視歐美,彼且瞠乎後也。

就三大主義之各別名詞產生的過程而言,民族主義名詞出現最早,流行最為普遍;民權主義及民生主義兩名詞在後,流行則較稀少。孫中山自<民報發刊詞>始,雖已使用民族民權民生三大主義名詞,但同時使用革命誓詞之"驅除韃虜、恢復中華"以代民族主義;"創立民國"以代民權主義;"平均地權"以代民生主義。例如一九0六年冬制定之《同盟會革命方略》之<軍政府宣言>所列之四綱,標以"驅除韃虜、恢復中華、建立民國、平均地權"四詞,維列軍法之治、約法之治、憲法之治三次序。而無民族、民權、民生三大主義字樣。雖提"中華民國",則是輕描淡寫。此實美中之不足也。

此外,《方略》及宣言的制定,並未經過黨內會議的討論,乃孫中山個人之"創作"。自稱得到同志普遍的認同和支持。故其效果就會大為減低了。如胡漢民在其《自傳》中所雲:"先生(稱孫中山)更為革命方略,以授黨人";"此具體之方案,惟先生能創之。傾覆滿清,實祗為先生半部方略之作用,亦正恨吾人不全依先生之方略,以致不能收其成功耳。"

一九二三到二四年間,擔任孫中山顧問的俄人鮑羅廷"M.M.Borodin)在研究孫中山革命屢遭挫敗的原因,認為孫之革命党缺乏(健全的)綱領、章程及組織機構,它偶爾發佈由孫中山簽暑的諸如民族主義、民權主義、民生主義等一般性的宣言,根本不涉及當前的事件,不對它們作出解釋,也不利用這些事件來發展和鞏固黨。這些宣言作趣聞被刊登在幾家報紙上,然後國民黨又沈睡一年又一年。鮑之批評,雖嫌過火,但也並非事實。

四、 國民革命

辛亥革命究竟是甚么革命?多年來兩岸學者的觀點頗有分歧。一九八二年春,兩岸三地學者在芝加哥舉行的辛亥革命學術討論會中,大陸學者章開沅和臺灣學者張玉法各有針鋒相對論文的提出,前者認為辛亥革命性質是"資產階級民主革命";後者認為是"全民革命"。以後兩人續有論文就此問題有所爭論。筆者當年雖未參與此一盛會,事後細讀兩人論文,留有深刻印象。忽然想起"余致力",不曰"余致力國民革命凡四十年"乎,此乃孫中山遺囑之"開場白"也。孫中山遺囑撰於一九二五年,上推四十年,當為一八八五年。是年為乙酉中法戰爭中國戰敗之年,《孫文學說》第八章有雲:"予自乙酉(一八八五)中法戰敗之年,始決傾霸清廷、創建民國之志,由是以學堂為鼓吹之地"云云。故辛亥革命,亦應名為"國民革命"也。此一名詞之確立,見於《同盟會革命方略》之<軍政府宣言>,其文曰:

"惟前代革命,如有明及太平天國,祗以馳除光復自任,此外無所轉移。我等今日與前代殊,於驅除韃虜、恢復中華之處,國體民生,尚當與民變革。雖經緯萬端,要其一貫之精神,則為自由、平等、博愛。故前代為英雄革命,今日為國民革命。所謂國民革命者,一國之人,皆有自由、平等、博愛之精神,即皆負革命之責任。"

國民革命與英雄革命的性質及區別,革命党人陳天華曾在《民報》發表<中國革命史論>一文,認?國民革命是屬西方現代式的自由革命;英雄革命屬是中國傳統的專制革命。他說:所謂國民革命者,"革命而出於國民也,革命之後,宣佈自由,設立共和,其幸福較之未革命之前增進萬倍,如近日泰西諸國之革命是也"。所謂英雄革命者,"革命而出於英雄也,一專制去,而一專制來,雖或有去舊更新之實,究之出於權謀者多,出於真自由者少;或則群雄角逐,戰爭無已,相持至數十百年,而後始得定於一。幸福之得,不是以償其痛苦,中國歷來之革命是也",但中國歷史上的革命,亦並非一無是處;而泰西之革命,亦並非一無非處。陳認為:"中國自秦以降,革命者多崛起民間,於平民革命較近之。革命以後,雖無自由之享受,而亦無特別奴制。彼泰西因革命而得自由者,次等之貴族團體也,與多數之奴隸何興!"

立憲派梁啟超認為中國歷史上的革命,乃是少數野心家的革命,屬於個人之英雄主義。與西方之文明革命不能相比,他認為中國歷史上的革命,有七大惡的特色:一、有私人革命,無團體革命;二、有野心的革命,無自衛的革命;三、有上等、下等社會革命,無中等社會革命;四、革命之地段,較泰西多複雜;五、革命之時日,較泰西為長久;六、革命家與革命家自相殘殺;七、因革命而外族之勢力因之侵入。至於中國今後革命,能否避免歷史上革命之七大惡的特色?梁則認為不可能。他認為當時中國革命黨入人"多數下等社會(按應指會黨),其血管內旨黃巾聞獻之遺毒";而"革命家自命之少數豪傑"(應指孫中山等),皆以道德信義為盅為毒,而其內部日日有楊(秀清)韋(昌輝)相搏勢。

成則為王,敗則為寇,為中國歷史上英雄革命的常有現象。形成此種現象的原因,孫中山早在一八九七年進行革命之初,即與其日本人宮崎寅藏言之。曾謂:

"觀中國古來之歷史,凡經一次之擾亂,地方豪傑,互爭雄長,互數十年。有幸同一無辜之民,為之受禍者,不知幾許。其所以然者,皆由於牽事者無共和之思想;而為之盟主者,亦絕無共和憲法之發佈也。故各逞一己之兵力,非至併吞獨一之勢不止。因有此傾向,即盜賊胡虜,極其兵力之所至,居然可以望聞問切全國之共有。嗚呼!吾同胞之受禍,豈偶然哉!"

為了改變歷史上英雄革命不良現象,避免長期的戰亂與人民的受禍,唯有實行民主共和政治。因謂:

"今欲求避禍之道,惟有行此迅雷不及掩耳之革命之一法,而與革命同行者,又必在使英雄各竟其野心。竟其野心之法,而與革命同行者,又必在使英雄各竟其野心。竟其野心之法,唯有在聯邦共和之名下,夙著聲望者,使為一部之長,以盡其材,然設建中央政府以馭之,而作聯邦之樞紐。方今公理大明,吾既實行此主義,必不至如前此野蠻,割據之紛擾,綿延數紀,而梟雄有非分之希望,以乘機窮發,殃及無辜。

簡單地說:"中國歷史上之革命,其混亂時期所以延長者,皆由人各欲帝制自為,遂相爭相奪而不已。行民主之制,則爭端自絕。

故與中會早期的誓約有"創立合為政府";《同盟會革命方略》之"建立民國"有"制定中華民國憲法,人人共守,敢有帝制自為者,天下共擊之 。"皆為實行民主之制,期絕爭端也。

歷史上之英雄革命,有其共同的成功經驗。在破壞方法上,可以迅速的推翻舊政權,故其用力少,為時短。但在建立新政權時,皆是帝制自為。為兼併群雄,則須經過長期砍殺,最後勝利者方可成為"共主"。所以用力多,為時久。而國民革命實為英雄革命之改良品,在破壞方法上,吸收其成功的經驗;在建設目的是,改良其缺點,以民主共和代其帝制自為。使能推翻滿清舊政權,用力少,為時短;建立民國新政權時,不致用力多,為時久。故同盟會時期之革命運動,實亦依此方法與目的而進行。筆者曾有專文探討之。革命党人汪精衛曾預言:國民主義、民族主義而大昌明,則反對革命者,祗滿洲人與其死黨耳,不足以當革命一瘁。然則革命之時日必不,一方扶義,萬里回應,合謀分舉,指顧而定。

辛亥武昌起義後的現象,正是"合謀分舉,指顧而定"。從一九一一年十月十日起義到一九一二年二月十二日清帝退位,僅為時四個月零兩天,所謂"用力少,為時短",較中國歷史上革命更為有效。惟辛亥革命以後,既已廢除帝制自為,仍是戰亂頻仍,長期割據紛擾,雖然"用力少,為是久",天下迄未定於一。距今九十年了,所謂"和平統一"尚待努力,此何故哉?蓋中國近代以來,多崇拜英雄主義,忽視國民主義也。

五、 結論
就中國民國、三民主義、國民革命三個名詞的形成和意義,及其產生之背景來看,三者均含有中國傳統與近代西化之雙重性。就中華民國一詞而言,出自革命誓約"恢復中華、創立民國"兩詞,一屬民族主義,含有"漢賊不兩立"之中國傳統;一屬民權主義,則具西方民主共和之色彩。

就三民主義一詞而言,初稱三大主義,中國傳統與西方觀念之混合體。以言民族主義,則就先民之遺留而光大之,並改良其缺點;以言民權主義,中國古代有此思想而無此制度,不得不取資于歐美;以言民生主義,中國發達最先,社會禍害未萌,舉政治革命、社會革命畢其功於一役,可越歐美。此皆中山之言也。

就國民革命一詞而言,乃中國歷史上英雄革命與西方自由革命改造而來。吸收前者方法,推翻舊政權,用力少,為時短;效法後者制度,可以一經革命之後而達長治久安。以免用力多,為時久。

總的來說,此三個名詞不脫離"中學為體,西學為用"之局限。以中國傳統為本體,敷以西方近代之色彩,其反映於辛亥革命者,亦是如此。乃是"具有中國特色"的民主革命。

二十、革命(2)

http://book.sina.com.cn 2007年05月27日00:00 新浪讀書

“###”剛成立時,各國稱中國為“Chinese Republic”,伍廷芳認為不妥,認為此意為“中國的共和”,太過狹窄,不如“Republic of China”,以示“共和屬於全中國”。 此議遂定。

孫中山早年在廣州學醫,仰慕康有為,曾託人轉致敬意,意欲結交。 康有為說:“孫某如欲訂交,宜先具門生帖拜師乃可。”孫不忿而罷,又赴北京上書李鴻章,李不置可否,孫大怒而去,乃赴檀香山組織興中會,這才開始反清革命。

張靜江曾任駐法公使孫寶琦的隨員,有一次在輪船上邂逅孫中山。 當時孫剛從倫敦脫險,處事警覺,張靜江直截了當地說:“我知道你是孫中山,我支持你的革命事業!以後你若需要錢,可以找我!”隨後他留下了自己的銀行帳號和三個字,約定若孫中山日後需要錢,可發電報,第一個字一萬元,第二個字二萬元,第三個字五萬元。 不久後,孫中山在日本籌劃起義事宜,經費奇缺,想起張靜江的話,便發電報一試運氣,張靜江果然履行約定,將錢彙來,解了革命的燃眉之急。

前清江北提督徐紹禎跟隨孫中山革命,孫為酬功,送給徐100萬公債。 徐用2萬元辦了一份《民立報》,又用1萬元遣散了沈佩貞的“女子北伐隊”,然後把剩下的97萬交還給孫中山。 孫說:“你可以留著這些錢搞政治!”徐答道:“有錢的人不能革命,我還要跟著你革命,所以不能有錢!”

"二次革命"後,孫中山重組中華革命黨,規定入黨都要按指印、立誓約,絕對服從孫中山。 廖仲愷與孫長期交往,友誼甚深,履行了這一手續,其《誓約書》為:立誓約人廖仲愷,為救中國危亡,拯生民困苦,願犧牲一己之生命、自由、權利,附從孫先生再舉革命。務達民權、民生兩主義,並創制五權憲法,使政治修明,民生樂利。 措國基於鞏固,維世界之和平。 特誠謹矢誓死如左:一、實行宗旨;二、服從命令;三、盡忠職務;四、嚴守秘密;五、誓共生死。 從此永守此約,至死不渝,如有二心,甘受極刑。 ###廣東惠陽縣廖仲愷,民國三年五月二日立。

1904年,孫中山在"中國問題的真解決"一文中說:"中國正處在一場偉大的民族運動的前夕,清王朝的統治正在迅速地走向死亡......只要星星之火,就能在政治上造成燎原之勢。"

當中華革命軍在山東發動反袁之前,吳大洲、薄子明到東京向孫中山報告,說:"山東組織起義,現在已有二三千人有把握,只要給我們一筆經費,馬上就可發動。"孫問:"要多少錢呢?"吳說:"至少要1000元。"孫說:"好吧,昨天南洋華僑才彙來1200元,你們就拿1000元去吧。"過了兩天有人向孫說:"吳大洲等說的話靠不住,他們將錢拿到手在外面亂花。而我們在此生活都很困難,先生為什麼輕易信他們的話受他們的騙呢?"孫說:"革命不怕受騙,也不怕失敗。那怕一百件革命事業有九十九件失敗,而只有一件成功,革命就可勝利。"言者為之語塞。

1905年8月,孫中山在東京留學生歡迎會上,駁斥了保皇派那種"由專製而立憲,由立憲而共和"以及在目前"只可立憲,不能革命"的庸俗進化觀點。 他說:"且世界立憲,亦必以流血得之,方能成為真立憲,同一流血,何不為直截了當之共和,而為此不完不備之立憲乎?!"

1905年孫中山在日本成立同盟會,張繼說,成立之初,參加者不過千人。 入會要自己填寫"盟約",滴以左中指的血,親筆簽名,宣誓後,焚掉盟約。 為了防止滿清政府的暗害,有秘密暗號。 同志相見,兩人的右手在一起,好像握手而方式不同。 同時,一人要問:"什麼事體?"答:"國家事。"又問"什麼人?"答:"中國人。"相符後,才敢談革命事。

孫文一生與錢財無緣,民國建立後,難以逾越的財政危機使革命黨人"巧婦難為無米之炊"。 無論是部署繁重而艱鉅的北伐任務,還是維持百廢待興的南京臨時政府日常工作,樣樣都需要經費,虎踞龍盤的南京城卻是"庫藏如洗"。 孫回國之前,南方革命陣營就傳聞他帶了巨額華僑捐款,指望能充作軍餉大干一場,許多革命同志與各路將領都是把他當作財神爺而佇候於上海碼頭的。 無論是在孫中山登岸之時,還是在他當選臨時大總統之日,都有人直截了當地向他提出同一個問題:帶了多少錢? 當他如實回答:"予不名一錢也,所帶回者,革命之精神耳!"聞而失望者不乏其人。

當時各國駐滬領事來函,皆稱中華民國Chinese Republic,即“中國之共和”,伍廷芳認為此意有些狹隘,主張用“共和之中國”,即Republic of China,涵義較廣。 京城報童





本文於 2009/05/19 22:47 修改第 3 次
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(轉貼)王寵惠首創「中華民國」的英文國號(Republic of China)
2009/05/16 02:13 推薦0


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民國法學第一人王寵惠

 

辛亥革命後,南京臨時政府成立,在臨時政府組織人員名單上,赫然出現外交總長王寵惠的名字,據傳輿論一時嘩然。 唐德剛在其《袁氏當國》一書中寫道:“外長一職,眾意應屬伍廷芳……此一要職,當時革命陣營中,伍老之外無第二人也……其實中山暗中有意自主外交,而欲王氏掛其名,佐理之而已。王遂成為當時最年輕之總長。”當時從國外歸國不久的王寵惠,剛過而立之年,其政治資歷及人生閱歷,確實不能與在清政府中任過高官且被選為民軍議和代表的已屆古稀之齡的伍廷芳媲美。 他本人也確曾力辭過外交總長一職,而孫中山先生不允,並且說:“革命外交,非君莫屬。”其意誠懇明了。至於中山先生是否“暗中有意自主外交,而欲王氏掛其名”,想來也只是一家之言,不足為憑。

王寵惠炫目的一生與孫中山的大力提攜自然大有關聯,而中山先生之所以如此看重他也有其深厚淵源。 王寵惠出身於篤信基督教的家庭,其父煜初光緒十年被聘任為香港倫敦會之道濟堂自立教會牧師,平日熱衷於國家大事,據傳曾書萬言策痛陳中國積習弊病,然而並沒有“上達天聰”,其策當然也沒有被採納,但足見其拳拳愛國之心。 煜初所居的道濟會堂與雅麗氏醫院所付設的西醫書院相鄰,恰好孫中山那時正在西醫書院習醫,兩個人相通的趣味促使他們開始密切交往。 中山先生與煜初大談自己的革命理想,幼年王寵惠也常常現場聆聽,耳濡目染。 王寵惠與孫中山的親密關係,當從那時起就得以培養。 其後王寵惠兼習國學與西學,後考入當時國內第一流的北洋大學學習法律,並以第一名最優等生拿到了“欽字第一號考憑”(中國有史以來第一張大學畢業文憑)。 王寵惠的聰明才智可見一斑。 用李敖的話來說,“這個人書念得極好”。 後來王寵惠留學期間經濟困難,孫中山不顧革命黨人的反對給予資助,且說:“培植一個國際知名之法學家,其重要且過於十萬雄師。”可以想見,中山先生對王寵惠的大力栽培,實是用心良苦,也是他作為高明政治家的預見能力之體現,倘若以“私心”視之,未免流於偏狹。

歷史證明,王寵惠沒有負中山先生所望,在二十世紀前半頁的中國政治舞台上,發揮了源於自己所學專長的重要作用,以其學者型官員的姿態成為政壇“不倒翁”,長時間擔任司法部門首長,任過外交部長,也曾擔任過北洋政府的內閣總理以及代理國民政府的行政院院長,且在歷史上享有“民國第一位法學家”、“近代法政精英第一人”的稱號,他還是第一位當選柏林比較法學會會員的亞洲人、第一個在海牙國際法庭擔任大法官的中國法學家、《聯合國憲章》的作者之一。 一堆“桂冠”式的名頭,就足以大書特書。 回頭去看,這恰讓人對孫中山的識才能力感到由衷欽佩。

無論其在國共關係上扮演了何種角色,於近代中國而言,王寵惠算得上一位趨近“偉人”的人物。 “書念得極好”的王寵惠,曾在留學期間,以27歲的年齡英譯《德國民法》一書。 這本由“外國人”翻譯的著作,後成為英美各大學法律學院的教材。 據傳,尼克松以美國總統的身份訪問中國時,特地向王寵惠表示了他的敬意,因其上大學時所用的正是王寵惠的譯本,而那時王寵惠已過世多年(王寵惠1958年3月逝世於台灣)。 他還在20多歲時,便幫孫中山起草《中國問題的真解決》的英文宣言(這也是孫中山首次面對世界的英文文告),並首創“中華民國”的英文國號(Republic of China)。 以此來看,王寵惠30歲擔任南京臨時政府外交總長,也可謂“名副其才”。 年輕的外交總長王寵惠上任伊始,便開始頻頻對外發表宣言,以期各國承認新生的中華民國。 他同時還注重維護海外華人的權益,並對華僑被打死打傷事件向外國政府提出嚴正交涉,讓華僑第一次感受到了祖國的力量。 王寵惠還在民國二年寫作《憲法芻議》,在少有憲法觀念的中國,他的作為對中國民主憲政有了實實在在的啟發,影響可謂深遠。 他赴華盛頓出席過太平洋會議,提出取消與日本訂立的“二十一條”,迫使日本宣布放棄在東三省的特權,這也是弱國外交的初步勝利。 抗戰前夕,王寵惠重掌外交,在日本全面侵華時運用系列外交手腕,為中國的獨立抗戰轉為聯合作戰做了有效的鋪墊。 他還隨蔣介石參加開羅會議,在擬定《開羅宣言》時為維護中國及鄰國利益積極爭取,並取得相當可觀的成績。 在外交、在司法,在中國近代以來法典的製定等方面,王寵惠至少是一顆無可爭辯的耀眼明星。

據傳,袁世凱圖謀稱帝時,曾讓梁士詒托王寵惠的舊交遊說王曰:“君主立憲,合於中國國情,欲借大筆,為文鼓吹,如承許諾,則政治高位或現金五十萬,二者任君選擇。”王寵惠則回斥:“餘之筆專為共和民主而寫作,不能以擁護帝制受辱,汝志雖變,餘則不能同流合污。”凜然正氣,溢於言表。 而他於解放前夕從香港轉赴台灣,且老死於島內,其心境如何,不得而知矣。

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(轉貼)United Provinces of China
2009/05/16 02:09 推薦0


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2007年1月, 當陳水扁宣布要藉 228 發行第一套 "臺灣" 銘誌的郵票時, 在臺灣社會上揭起一陣風暴, 當時一位藝術研究者黃猷欽於 2 月 13 日在中國時報時論廣場發表<<郵傳千里,以誰之名?>>一文 (參閱https://city.udn.com/v1/city/forum/article.jsp?no=52727&aid=2086495 , 下面會貼上) , 討論這問題時, 我立刻就想到這枚一直無人確定誰發行的郵票 

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這是一套五張的郵票印樣之一, 

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反應中華民國在1911年曾經考慮過的英文譯名, 但如果在網上找有關這枚郵票的文章的話, 會找到下面那篇胡說文章http://www.e1988.com/collection/article.asp?ID=24231 

其實集郵界的老前輩, 天津的楊耀增更早就考證過, 這套票的設計樣式及印刷與下面那批1912年一連串未發行的郵票印樣是一樣的, 而不是 1920 年代 "聯省自治" 倡議時期的設計與印刷風格 

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後來楊耀增有篇新文章談這套郵票了, 也看到網路版了, 在此: http://www.daqingpost.com/bbs/view.asp?articleid=403

再用 google 查了一下 United Provinces of China , 查到幾篇英文文章是這樣稱呼孫的 "中華民國臨時大總統" : 

president of the "Provisional Government of the United Provinces of China" . 如 

http://en.wikisource.org/wiki/The_New_Student's_Reference_Work/China (1914) 

http://links.jstor.org/sici?sici=0002-7162(193011)152<214%3ATPHOCU>2.0.CO%3B2-R 

(1930, 這篇最特殊的是提到孫當的總統是UPC, 袁當的則是 Provisional President of the Republic

從這些郵票設計中, 大概可以得到一個旁證: 

1. 雖說辛丑後章太炎就已為新的革命中國國號定名為 "中華民國" 了, 但武漢起義當時, 還是有四川, 貴州, 廣西等省以大漢來稱呼新建的中國, 貴州獨立時還稱將聯合各省建立 "大漢聯邦民主共和國" , 顯見此時中文國名都還不確定, 外文國名根本就是不急之務 

2. 臨時政府成立於南京前後, 支持聯邦制的人 (多為江浙人士, 如章太炎等) 希望把國體導向聯邦制, 故約法採用聯邦精神, 連譯名也想用 United Provinces of China, 反正清末民初時的 "民國" 只是指元首非世襲而已, 至於要用 Republic 還是 United Provinces 來對譯都是一樣的, 當時就是這樣把 United Provinces of Netherlands 翻成荷蘭民國的. 陳其美的上海都督府公債票就是明確採用 UPC 的 (參見下圖) 

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3. 但江浙以 United Provinces 來翻譯民國的作法不為他人認同, 逐漸以Republic來翻譯民國, 而當時外國國名多以法文為準, 用法文則以形容詞為主, 就是 Republique Chinoise , 英文就是 Chinese Republic (參見下圖), 現今這名字還有個殘留, 就是俄文至今對中華民國 (含在臺灣) 的稱呼仍用 Kitaiskaja Respublika 

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4. 最後, 似乎是元年元月, 臨時政府外交代表伍廷芳離任前, 英文譯名由 CR 定案為現在的 ROC 

因此, 當初郵票上不只是英法文之爭, 還有該用什麼樣的民國政體之爭, 是法式中央集權的 Republic, 還是荷式地方分權的 United Provinces , 故事可還很精彩的

vladimir2009-01-17 21:40
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    郵票有所謂三要素,即「銘記」、「票值」與「圖案」。國號銘記是用以辨識郵票發行單位用的,郵政發行單位一般而言是國家,國家郵政地位的認可與國際政局密切相關,郵票上的國號所代表的不僅是一國自身的認同,也往往是他國形塑此國國家認同的結果,因此,郵票上除印有本國文字的國號,郵政聯盟所規定的通用羅馬文字也可見於世界上大部分國家的郵票上。 

    舉例來說,中國的近代郵政系統,是英人赫德於一八七八年幫大清國建立的,中國第一套郵票「海關一次雲龍郵票」也於是年正式發行。在大清國下的中國郵政,中文以「大清」二字為基本銘記,外文則以英文China註記。使用英文與當時國際政權傾軋有一定的關係,中國郵政內部的外籍人事鬥爭向來是英國佔上風,因此儘管一八七四年萬國郵政聯盟在瑞士伯恩成立,並將官方文字定為法文,大清國郵政仍以英文的China而不是法文的Chine作為郵票銘記,主要正是因為郵政主管是英國人。 

    郵票上的國號並非不能更動,在中華民國郵票發行史上,至少就有兩次重要的「正名運動」,其中國號的設計和使用都和政體本身所要建構的內/外部國家認同有關。 

    首先是一九一二年中華民國建立之後,孫中山於南京就任臨時大總統時,曾親自設計中華民國的第一套郵票,唯後來袁世凱於北京正式就職中華民國總統,這套郵票被財政部的新設計所取代。孫中山的郵票設計外文部分為法文Republique Chinoise,原因有二:其一為法文是郵政國際語言,也是當時正式的外交語言,使用法文是一種重新定位中國地位的表徵;其二為語言的政治隱喻,法國共和體制是孫中山為新的中華民國採行政體的設想,而袁世凱則偏好英式內閣體制,毫不意外的,袁世凱上任後的第一套郵票就採用了英文國號。 

    孫中山雖然嘗試對郵票上的國號「去英文化」,但是他並非無視國際政局對中國國家認同的作用,因而主動採用一組讓世界各國認同的法文國號。目的在於彰顯這是中國人自己選擇的符號,儘管仍是有限的自主,至少不是某個特定國家所賦予的名稱。中華民國郵票上的英文國號到了蔣介石「北伐」完成中國統一之後,一九二九年由於當時中國國族主義對去帝國殖民化的聲浪高漲,英文銘記終究遭到廢止。 

    第二次的郵票「正名運動」起因於一九四九年後的中華民國郵政當局偏好使用英文銘記,這和美國當時在台首席顧問施幹克博士的建言有關,他以為印上Free China對宣傳中華民國的正統地位是必要的,但郵政當局的做法卻在一九五四年引來集郵人士、立法委員,甚至是國民大會的關切,他們認為在郵票上印行英文國號有辱國格,既已去殖民化即不應再度使用,保守的愛國人士不斷地發表反對意見,顯然不認同郵政當局的意圖。直到中華民國退出聯合國之後,集郵界才改變態度,毫無異議地支持政府在郵票上印英文國號,主張配合政府發展實質外交,積極提倡使用英文縮寫ROC。 

    從反對到支持郵票上的英文國號,愛國人士顯然對國際政治的運作採取純然意識形態的觀點,儘管美國在一九七九年承認對岸中國政權,中華民國的郵票依然受到國際郵盟的認可,因而得以發行和作為信件及包裹運遞的資費證明。據此,郵票的有效性並不是因為中華民國是否為唯一合法的中國政權,而是因為它是一個政治實體,在實際的國際政治運作中,英文國號的爭辯就顯得相對的無謂與莫名。 

    此次民進黨政府試圖跳脫中國論述的框架,在郵票的中英文國號方面皆作了大幅度的更改,考諸前二例,郵票上國號的文字更動並不會影響郵政的實際運作,這一點也可以由中華人民共和國從一九九二年起,郵票上的國號銘記將「中國人民郵政」改為「中國郵政」,並且首度印上英文國名China的郵政改革中獲得證實。 

    選擇「中華民國」或「台灣」做為郵票中的國號銘記,顯然是個政治議題,它凸顯出國家認同的矛盾主要仍是來自於內部而非外力,然而,選擇印有China或Taiwan字樣的郵票來張貼使用,就只能是個單純的常識問題了。
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中華民國應譯為「PRC」
2009/05/15 18:15 推薦0


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中華民國應譯為「PRC」

梅峰

ROC (Republic of China)之中文直譯為「中華共和國」,可是我們卻一直將「中華民國」翻成 ROC ,如是「中華共和國」至少應該與「中華民國」意同。先不論民國廿二年閩變時,陳銘樞、李濟深等人及十九路軍在福州成立壽命僅及五十三天之「中華共和國」存在過,難道中華民國肇創者國父孫中山先生亦如此以為?

根據黎民先生「中華民國國號的來由和意義」一文中之研究,國父在民國五年七月十五日於駐滬粵籍議員歡迎會上演講《中華民國之意義》時曾經這樣解釋過:「諸君知中華民國之意義乎?何以不曰「中華共和國」,而必曰「中華民國」?此民字之意義,為僕研究十餘年而得之者。歐美之共和國創建遠在吾國之前,廿世紀之國民,當含有創制之精神,不當自謂能效法於十八、九世紀成法而引以為自足。共和政體為代議制政體,世界各國隸於此旗幟之下者,如古希臘則有貴族奴隸之階級,直可稱為曰專制共和,如美國則已有十四省樹直接民權之模,而瑞士則全乎直接民權制度也。吾人今既易專制而成代議政體,然何可故步自封,始終落於人後。故今後國民,當奮振全神於世界,發現一光芒萬丈之奇彩,俾更進而抵於直接民權之域。代議政體旗幟之下,吾民所享者只是一種代議權耳。若底於直接民權之域,則有創制權、廢制權、退官權。但此種民權,不宜以廣漠之省境施行之,故當以縣為單位,對地方財政完全由地方處理之,而分任中央之政費。其餘各種實業,則懲美國托辣斯之弊,而歸諸中央。如是數年,必有一莊嚴燦爛之中華民國發現於東大陸,駕諸世界共和國之上矣。」

是故黎民先生以為,國父為什麼將他創建的共和國不名為「中華共和國」,而取名為「中華民國」,是由於國父為了更進一步地堅持和發展共和國的根本原則,即家國主權屬於全體國民所有的人民主權原則,並希望用瑞士和美國直接民權發展的歷史經驗和直接民主的程序,來補充代議制民主政體的不足。

這亦可以自國父於民國十二年十月七日,在《中國國民黨申討曹錕賄選竊位宣言》之演講中:「更有進者,本黨主張之民權主義,為直接民權。國民除選舉權外,並有創制權、復決權及罷免權,庶足以制裁議會之專制,即於現行代議制之流弊,亦能為根本之刷新。」得到明證。

我們知道 Republic 之譯為「共和國」,主要是指一個相對於帝國(Monarchy)之政體,此即不是由一個世襲君王領導,且至少是部分之人民對政府之組成有決定性影響的家國,是故一般多被認知為代議制之民主政體;因之民主政體最為成熟之君主立憲家國常被政治學者定義為 crowned republics,可是目前卻在許多專制家國掛羊頭賣狗肉之情況下,讓這個字眼被嚴重之濫用,以致我們似乎已經難知「共和國」之真實意義為何了!

「中華民國」當初為何被翻成 ROC ,筆者不知道,可能性之一為:這是外國人幹的事。因為國父「民國」之想法,當時應尚難為外國新聞媒體所接受,就直觀的將「民國」翻譯成「共和國」,因 「Republic」之翻成「共和國」,本即當時相對先進的日本人所為。

一般來說,「民國」如果是指「人民作主」之「民主共和國」的話,會被翻成是「Democratic Republic」,而如果是指「人民」之「共和國」的話,則會被譯為「People's Republic」,而兩者合併之「人民民主共和國」就當是「People's Democratic Republic」。而全世界目前卻僅有兩個「民國」,另一是民國八年四月成立於上海之「大韓民國臨時政府」,中韓唇齒相依,語言接近,這種結果當然並非偶然!

因之依前述國父想法,我們應該可以推論,此「民」應該是指「人民」而非「民主」之意,此即「中華民族」同胞創建之「中華民國」,因「國」本即「共和國」之簡稱,「of」沒有必要翻出來,是故「中華民國」之英譯應為「PRC」,而 ROC 並未翻出「中華民國」之「民」,不管此「民」是指「人民」或「民主」都一樣,且這個嚴重錯誤竟然被延續了近百年。

雖然依《中華民國憲法》第一條:「中華民國基於三民主義,為民有、民治、民享之民主共和國」,讓中華民國似乎該是「中華民主共和國」的簡稱,但到底《中華民國憲法》晚了「中華民國」卅多年,且國父早就駕崩,而 ROC 之譯名也早就出現,又似乎未見有識之士關切,加上民國初年局勢一直動盪不安,也許就因循苟且將就過去了!

雖然筆者尚不能百分之百肯定國父「民國」之「民」到底是指「民主」或「人民」之意,但如果考量到顧全兩岸雙方顏面之和平大局,將來統一後之國名,中文雖仍應為「中華民國」,但英文則絕對應為 PRC(People's Republic of China)。因為多數外國人看不懂中文,且英文在全世界應用較廣,這就顧及到人多地大中共之國際面子;而「民國」早即有「人民共和國」簡稱之說法,且更有脫離外國祖師爺蘇聯共產國際掛羊頭賣狗肉「人民共和國」國號之表徵,以顧及中華民族數千年來主權獨立之家國民族尊嚴。

如以執行面觀之,變更國號的英文翻譯方式不涉及修憲,因為憲法並未規定國號的英文翻譯方式,也不用修改任何法律,因為無法律規定中華民國國號的英文翻譯方式。

至於受台獨思想蠱惑,而怕與中華人民共和國混淆才有之更名想法,則大可不必,因為既然怕錯認,為何不讓對岸去傷腦筋,誰叫他們要先搞陸獨分裂中國,政府該做的是加強國際宣傳,讓全世界了解兩岸中國之歷史緣由,中華民國(PRC)是自由中國,現在政府管轄所在地在台灣地區,首都在台北。

甚且,前數十年大陸專制落後,是我們怕與他弄亂,但今天甚或未來,大陸或將慢慢朝向國際社會尊敬的路上走,而中國似乎離開菲律賓的情況愈來愈近,難保我們哪一天希望回歸,以中華人民共和國為榮,這種投機心理對嗎?要知道家國之命運應該要掌握在自己的手中,我們兩千三百萬同胞,應該像宏碁電腦建立 Acer 品牌那樣踏實努力的作風一樣,認真的去維護中華民國之國際信譽與聲望,而非專想投機撿現成的去投靠他人,這是完全沒有出息之龜孫做法!

而為怕與「中華人民共和國」搞混之「Chunghwa」與「Minguo」音譯做法,不但舉世罕見,更是忘本無腦小鼻小眼之自我矮化行為,完全上不了檯面。因為國名內涵政體,仍為多數家國之命名原則,除非不得已,否則沒有必要不從眾,中國自古即被全球理解為 China,有何改為音譯「Chunghwa」之必要,且國名與政體以音譯為之,均完全喪失讓國際社會理解之翻譯目的。

至於這次馬政權以「中華台北」之名義,在中共同意下,得以觀察員之身分,參加「世界衛生大會」,雖然被民進黨批評為:是自失立場的投降主義做法,做實「台灣是中國不可分割的一部分」的說法。但其實毛政權所強佔我領域之中國大陸地區,才真正是我「中國不可分割的一部分」,「台灣之為中國不可分割的一部分」本來也很正確,只是此自由中國,非彼赤色專制中國罷了。民進黨台獨綿羊,逃避獅虎,終將被吃政權,與馬自我矮化親美政權,都是令人家失望透頂之貪腐無能爛黨,我真正愛家愛國的同胞應認清大勢,唾棄這兩個沒出息不長進的無腦政黨!

備註:本文同步在《中華家國雜誌》第七期刊出

● NOWnews 論壇徵稿區→http://www.nownews.com/write/

● 來稿或參與討論的文章也可寄至「新信箱」public@nownews.com

( ● 作者梅峰,《中華家國雜誌》發行人,台北工專電子科畢、台大電機系肄、瑞典隆德與林雪平大學研究。簡介表示,他大學雖讀電機,但修的課幾乎都是歷史與社會科學,大六不幸被退學,到瑞典研究了六年福利國社會政策,終於知道未來我國甚至全世界在意識形態上應該修正的方向。個人網站:http://blog.udn.com/MeiFeng 與 https://city.udn.com/688。本文為 NOWnews.com 網友投稿,言論不代表本報立場。※→梅峰特區)

本文於 2009/05/15 22:04 修改第 2 次
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(轉貼)中華民國的英文翻譯錯了!
2009/04/30 13:38 推薦0


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中華民國的英文名字要改了!

我在東森新聞ETtoday.com看見這篇文章覺得很有趣跟大家分享 
________________________________________________________ 
作者:憂天對於不熟悉台海兩岸關係的外國人,Republic of China跟People"s Republic of China是很容易混淆的兩個名詞。變更國號必須修憲,是困難重重的事,所以臺灣就一直頂著China的大帽子,在國際上跟大多數人所知道的那個China糾纏不清。 
國號的爭議,其實都忽略了一點,就是只要懂中文都知道中華民國與中華人民共和國的不同,混淆的其實是國號的英譯。 中華民國憲法或任何法律都沒有規定的中華民國英文國號是什麼,Republic of China一個約定成俗的習慣譯法。 
誰說中華民國只能有‘Republic of China’一種譯法。 試看中華電信,英文既不是‘China Telecom’,也不是‘Chinese Telecom’,更不是‘ROC Telecom’,而是‘Chunghwa Telecom’。 中華電信可以叫做‘Chunghwa Telecom’,那麼中華民國是不是也可以翻成’Chunghwa Republic’。 
對於不知道‘Chunghwa Republic’是什麼國家的國際人士,我們就可以解釋Chunghwa Republic就是一般人所知道的Taiwan。 外國人在提及Chunghwa Republic的時候,自然會解釋Chunghwa Republic (=Taiwan)。 
只要頭腦轉個彎,換個翻譯方式,不用修法修憲,更沒有擅改國號的罪名,就可以解決很多爭議的問題。 
(●作者憂天為北縣人,現為留美博士研究生。本文為ETtoday.com網友投稿,言論不代表本報立場。)

Hunan and Jiangxi (Kiangsi) both issued 10 cash coins dated 1912 with a design of a nine-pointed star, with the name of the province and the value in English.

20 cash coin of Hunan Province minted in 1919

中華民國與中華人民共和國在國際上都簡稱China的混亂狀態,根本與中華民國憲法裡面所規定的國號沒有關係,造成混淆的其實是國號的英文翻譯。 中華人民共和國英文譯成People's Republic of China,中華民國現在譯成Republic of China,兩者十分相似,自然會讓人誤以為是同一個國家。 國際上大家都知道China是一個共產國家,首都在北京,要跟人解釋Republic of China不是China,怎麼說都讓人覺得怪怪的。 

中華民國憲法並沒有規定國號的英文翻譯方式,也沒有任何法律規定「中華」這兩個字英文必須翻成China或Chinese。 其實許多名稱叫做中華的組織,其名稱中的中華兩字在英文裡都不是譯成China或Chinese,而是譯成Chunghwa或Chung Hua。 

中華電信:Chunghwa Telecom 
中華郵政:Chunghwa Post 
中華映像管公司:Chunghwa Picture Tubes 
中華經濟研究院:Chung Hua Institution for Economic Research 
中華大學:Chung Hua University 
中華民國:? Republic 

民國的英文是Republic,所以中華民國的英文名稱翻成Chunghwa Republic或Chung Hua Republic是理所當然的事。 Chunghwa Republic當然不是China,當有人問起Chunghwa Republic是什麼國家時,我們可以很簡單的解釋Chunghwa Republic, aka (also known as) Taiwan。 

簡稱並不一定要用英文字母縮寫,希臘共和國英文全名叫做Hellenic Republic,簡稱並不是HR,而是Greece。 中華民國英文叫做Chunghwa Republic,簡稱就是Taiwan。 修改自己名稱的外文翻譯方式是我們自己國家的事,不需要跟外國商量,只要作個宣布就好了。 

變更國號的英文翻譯方式不涉及修憲,因為憲法裡面根本也沒有規定國號的英文翻譯方式,也不用修改任何法律,因為根本也沒有法律規定中華民國國號的英文翻譯方式。
中華民國的英文翻譯錯了︰Republic of China
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來源: redobe 于 08-06-04 18:29:07 [檔案] [博客] [舊帖] [轉至博客] [給我悄悄話]
   
中華民國英文翻譯應該是︰People's Republic of China. “中華”of China“; 民國”People's Republic. 合在一起就是︰People's Republic of China.

第一步,先統一英文名稱︰People's Republic of China.

第二步,不管是中華人民共和國還是中華民國,第一個字和最後一個字合起來都是︰中國!

第三步,既然準備統一了,就得起個響亮的國名。 “大中華人民共和國”如何? 拋磚引玉。

第四步,統一後的國名確定之後,再翻譯成英文,那可就太簡單了。


論「中華民國」國號英譯應更改為Chinese Minguo
「顧僕尚有一重大意志,欲白於今日者,諸君知中華民國之意義乎?何以不曰中華共和國,而必曰中華民國?此民字之意義,為僕研究十餘年而得之者。歐美之共和國創建遠在吾國之前,二十世紀之國民,當含有創制之精神,不當自謂能效法於十八、九世紀成法而引以為自足。共和政體為代議制政體,世界各國隸於此旗幟之下者,如古希臘則有貴族奴隸之階級,直可稱為曰專制共和,如美國則已有十四省樹直接民權之模,而瑞士則全乎直接民權制度也。吾人今既易專制而成代議政體,然何可故步自封,始終落於人後。故今後國民,當奮振全神於世界,發現一光芒萬丈之奇彩,俾更進而抵於直接民權之域。代議政體旗幟之下,吾民所享者只是一種代議權耳。若底於直接民權之域,則有創制權、廢制權、退官權。但此種民權,不宜以廣漠之省境施行之,故當以縣為單位,對地方財政完全由地方處理之,而分任中央之政費。其餘各種實業,則懲美國托辣斯之弊,而歸諸中央。如是數年,必有一莊嚴燦爛之中華民國發現於東大陸,駕諸世界共和國之上矣。」——孫文,1916年7月15日,在駐滬粵籍議員歡迎會上演講《中華民國之意義》

我們現在所說的共和,是國體的一種,在孫文的時代常稱為「民主」,與君主相對。孫文所說的「共和」,與美國《聯邦黨人文集》中的"republic"意義相近,指的是代議政治,也就是間接民主。孫文在上面那段話當中解釋他為何將國號命名為「中華民國」而非「中華共和國」的原因,是因為他認為直接民主(創制權、複決權、罷免權)比間接民主(選舉權)更加先進。間接民主的國家稱為「共和國」,直接民主的國家則稱為「民國」。民國是孫文的獨創,只可惜他的直接民權理念,不只在中國未能實現,就算中華民國來台灣之後,到今天仍未能實現。依照孫文的設計,公民投票(直接民權)應以縣為單位,但我們還沒有舉辦過地方性公投。

中華民國現在的英譯Republic of China,其實並不準確符合孫文命名的本意。以台灣目前的國際處境,我們應該思考幾個問題。一、是否承認中華人民共和國。二、是否認知到中華人民共和國在國際間被承認為中國的地位。三、是否要與中華人民共和國爭奪中國正統。四、是否堅持中華民國是主權獨立的國家,與中華人民共和國互不隸屬。問題一、二我認為答案是「是」,沒有什麼好不承認的,這只是回到客觀上的事實。三、我認為中華民國不應該再繼續爭正統,既然世界上多數國家認為中國就是中華人民共和國,中華民國要逆向操作只會吃力不討好。因此「訪華」就不必再說了,和對岸爭華,哪裡符合「外交休兵」理念呢?中華民國可簡稱為民國,「訪民國」即可。四、當然要堅持,但往往不是件容易事。

馬總統說「中華台北」是務實加入國際組織的最好名稱,我不認同。「奧會模式」是我們的底線,但是它並不是一個好的名稱。我們的運動代表團到世界各地比賽時,是代表中華民國、代表台灣,但不是代表台北。大會人員會說來自台北,但是其實我們的運動員並不一定都來自台北。由於台北和香港、澳門都是城市的名稱,我們的Chinese Taipei常常被矮化為「中國台北」,這樣一來別人還以為我們的運動員是中華人民共和國代表。在一個中國的架構之下,台灣與中國大陸都是地理名詞,並無國家主權意涵。因此我方在此架構下與對岸交涉時,不宜自稱台灣,而應該自稱「民國」。雙方國號都有中華,而雙方的差異,正在於一方是「共和國」,一方是「民國」。以國號相稱,這才是主權平等的「國對國」、「政府對政府」。

中華民國憲法通篇都是中華民國,若更改國號,必定要修憲,但馬總統已說過不修憲了。我們的憲法雖然寫明了國號,但是並沒有規定國號的英譯是什麼。Republic of China這個英譯,很可能只是約定成俗而已。若修改英譯,不涉及憲法層次,只要由行政院發佈法規命令即可。中華民國英譯更改為Chinese Minguo的優點如下:一、沒有相同的單字,較不易與People's Republic of China混淆。二、民國既是孫文的獨創,而非西方原本就有,音譯未嘗不可。民國的拼音Minguo,漢語拼音與通用拼音拼法皆相同,不會有拼音爭議。三、Minguo本身就是國家名稱,就算中華人民共和國耍小手段,翻譯成「中國民國」,亦不像城市名一樣會被矮化。

中華民國向來簡稱民國,而Chinese Minguo這個全稱亦可簡稱Minguo。民國在世界上獨一無二,平時可直接稱Minguo,如同英語當中往往以United States直稱美國,以United Kingdom直稱英國。U.S.與U.K.即「合眾國」及「聯合王國」,Minguo這個稱呼的性質與上述慣稱相近。若有必要,可以加註括號的形式出現,如:(Chinese) Minguo, Minguo (Taiwan)。

中華民國是當前台灣人民最有共識的國號,但是它目前的英譯Republic of China在國際間卻舉步維艱。馬英九總統與國民黨吳伯雄主席曾經提到過,他們兩人都是孫中山信徒,筆者自高中時亦常以三民主義信徒自居。孫文認為二十世紀之國民,不當以舊世紀成法為滿足,而自創「民國」一詞。僕竊仿效中山先生,身為二十一世紀之人,不當以二十世紀舊譯為滿足,故自創"Minguo"一譯。適宜否?留待公議。望馬總統能體念該黨總理創造「民國」一詞之苦心,將民國理念發揚光大。




Posted by fauzty at 樂多Roodo! │11:46 │回應(3) │引用(0) │政治社會
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很不錯的想法,儘管這樣寫出來很難看
Posted by 11 at August 5,2008 13:50
用政治體制的共和國與民國之分來藉以區分台灣與中國
我覺得這樣的想法很好~比中華台北更不容易被矮化!
這點我非常認同~
但是這樣的拼音方式好像有一點太以防堵中國矮化為出發點!
畢竟"民國"一詞都還需要經過你剛剛詳細的說明後才能清楚的表示其中意義的差別!本國人都未必了解~更不用說外國人了!
雖然可以從你的分析了解"Republic"與"民國"中間接與直接的差別~但是英譯有很大部分還是要給外國人看的!
它們能了解其中的意義~並認知道我們與中國的不同嗎?
而且"民國"一詞在國際上也並非首見
韓國的正式韓文國名即為大韓民國(當然意義並不相同)
但是英譯仍是Republic of Korea
因此要將中華民國的"民國"拉高至英譯的層次
我想國內變更的難度雖不高~
但國際上是否能認同的難度我認為是比較高的!
但是我非常認同你說明過程!
雖然中華民國是目前島內的最大公約數
但是那是很矛盾的~照你所說中華應該要讓給中國~那我們的中華民國的中華就不會等於"台灣"雖然使用了民國與中華人民共和國做區隔但只要有中華在仍會造成混淆!
就算拼音有所改變~我想問題還是會很複雜!
胡言亂語打了一大堆~不知道到底是不是正確理解你的意思!
我的感覺是在雙方對於彼此政治地位沒有明確承認前
就算使用民國的拼音可能也無法解決目前的問題
而且我們自己認為變更英譯不涉及國號變更!
可是國際上其它國家是否也這樣認為就不一定了
美國和中國一定會馬上跳出來反對!
反而無法完整的將你設想使用"民國"的區別表現出來!
Posted by 艾摩 at November 2,2008 12:42

正名運動的下一步 ─ 中華民國不是ROC
(2005/02/26 10:04)
(●作者憂天為北縣人,現為留美博士研究生。本文為ETtoday.com網友投稿,言論不代表本報立場。●照片為資料照。※憂天特區)
憂天

扁宋會達成依照中華民國憲法所接櫫的國家定位,憲政改革不會涉及修改國號的共識,那麼臺灣正名運動是否要暫停腳步,甚至已經走向窮途末路了呢?其實未必。

中華民國與中華人民共和國在國際上都簡稱中國的混亂狀態,根本與中華民國憲法裡面所規定的國號沒有關係,造成混淆的其實是國號的英文翻譯。中華人民共和國英文譯成People’s Republic of China,中華民國現在譯成Republic of China,兩者十分相似,自然會讓人誤以為是同一個國家。

中華民國憲法並沒有規定國號的英文翻譯方式,其實許多名稱叫做中華的組織,例如中華電信、中華經濟研究院、中華大學,其名稱中的中華兩字在英文裡都不是譯成China或Chinese,而是譯成Chunghwa或Chung Hua。

電信的英文叫做Telecom,所以中華電信的英文名稱叫做Chunghwa Telecom。經濟研究院是Institution for Economic Research,所以中華經濟研究院英文名稱是Chung Hua Institution for Economic Research。大學的英文叫做University,所以中華大學的英文叫做Chung Hua University。民國的英文是Republic,所以中華民國的英文名稱翻成Chung Hua Republic是理所當然的事。Chung Hua Republic當然不能簡稱China,也不是簡稱ROC,若要用縮寫也是CHR,並且可以附註a.k.a. (also known as) Taiwan。或者如陳水扁總統先前所說的,中華民國最好的簡稱就是台灣,Chung Hua Republic直接簡稱Taiwan就好了。簡稱並不一定要用英文全名裡面每個字的第一個字母來拼湊,希臘共和國英文全名叫做Hellenic Republic,簡稱Greece。中華民國英文叫做Chung Hua Republic,簡稱Taiwan當然沒有什麼不對。

變更國號的英文翻譯方式不需修憲,因為憲法裡面根本也沒有規定國號的英文翻譯方式,也不用修改任何法律,因為根本也沒有法律規定中華民國國號的英文翻譯方式,只要外交部的一道行政命令,臺灣正名運動就大功告成。支持臺灣正名運動的人(包括外交部的陳部長在內),到底還在等什麼?

(●作者憂天為北縣人,現為留美博士研究生。本文為ETtoday.com網友投稿,言論不代表本報立場。●照片為資料照)

本來是不想開欄的,因為怕寫不到兩百字,不過想了兩天,覺得應該可以超過了,所以開欄請大家指教一下。

關於「中華民國」的存在,自從小弟心中的「台灣意識」覺醒,再加上阿輝伯說「中華民國1949年就不存在了」之後,就一直有很多的疑惑。當年阿輝伯講出這句話來的時候,媒體也是不停的幹譙,又搬出「老榮民情何以堪」的論調,來強調中華民國是多少先賢先烈的血,所累積而成,諸如此類的。其實這種事情何須爭辯,用文字邏輯來推論,就很容易知道事有蹊蹺。

1.United States of American,翻譯叫做「美利堅合眾國」,Republic of South Africa叫做「南非共和國」,Republic of Maldives是「馬爾地夫共和國」,Union of Myanmar叫做「緬甸聯邦」,Republic of The Philippines是「菲律賓共和國」,Kingdom of Thailand是「泰王國」,Lao People's Democratic Republic翻譯是「寮人民民主共和國」,Republic of Singapore的翻譯是「新加坡共和國」,Commonwealth of Australia稱做「澳大利亞聯邦」,Socialist Republic of Vietnam則是「越南社會主義共和國」。寫了這麼多,要推論什麼?The People’s Republic of CHINA叫做「中華人民共和國」,可是Republic of China卻叫做「中華民國」,感覺是很奇怪的翻譯,不是嗎?不是應該要叫做「中華共和國」嗎?這個「民」字是從哪裡來的?這是我的第一個疑問。

2.相同的案例,發生在南北韓,北韓叫做朝鮮民主主義人民共和国The Democratic People's Republic of KOREA,南韓叫做大韓民國,Republic Of KOREA,不過這兩個國家都承認互不隸屬,國際上也承認這兩個國家,歷史淵源我不清楚,但是至少我相信他們的國民並沒有國家認同上的困擾,南韓的人不會認為自己是北韓人,北韓也應該不會認為自己是南韓人,這是確實的兩個國家。

3.我認為,「中華民國」其實就是「中華人民共和國」的簡稱,因為「民國」這個名詞,並沒有英文的正確名稱,如果不解釋成「人民共和國」,頂多也只能解釋成「民主共和國」,問題是「民主共和國」英文名稱裡面一定會有Democratic這一類的字,如果都不是,那肯定是編造出來的。編造也要有理由,因為「人民共和國」被搶去用了,只好告訴你「反正我們就是叫做民國,你有意見嗎?」

4.「三民主義 吾黨所宗 以建民國 以進大同」,照我聯考三民主義考五十幾分的記憶,憲法第一條:「中華民國基於三民主義,為民有、民治、民享之民主共和國」,所以中華民國應該叫做「中華民主共和國」?請問Republic of China裡為何不見「民主」?既不見「民主」,也不見「人民」,請問誰能告訴我,「民國」是從哪裡來的?

5.

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v ‧ d ‧ e

A republic is a state or country that is not led by a hereditary monarch[1][2] but in which the people (or at least a part of its people)[3] have an impact on its government.[4][5] The word originates from the Latin term res publica.
The organization of republics can vary widely. The first section of this article gives an overview of the characteristics that distinguish different types of republics. The second section of the article gives some short profiles of the most influential republics by way of illustration. A more comprehensive list of republics appears in a separate article. The third section is about how republics are approached as state organizations in political science: in political theory and people governed.
Contents [hide]
1 Characteristics of republics
1.1 Head of state
1.2 Role of religion
1.2.1 Republics may diminish the influence of religion
1.2.2 Other republics may promote a particular religion
1.3 Concepts of democracy
1.4 Influence of republicanism
1.4.1 In antiquity
1.4.2 In the renaissance
1.4.3 Enlightenment republicanism
1.4.3.1 In the United Kingdom and the United States
1.4.4 Proletarian republicanism
1.4.5 Islamic republicanism
1.5 Economic factors
1.6 Aggregations of states
1.6.1 Sub-national republics
1.6.2 Supra-national republics[citation needed]
2 Examples of republics
3 Republics in political theory
4 Notes and references
5 Further reading
6 See also
[edit]Characteristics of republics

[edit]Head of state
In most modern republics, the head of state is termed president. Other titles that have been used are consul, doge, archon and many others. In republics that are also democracies, the head of state is selected as the result of an election. This election can be indirect, such as if a council of some sort, or a parliament is elected by the people, and this council or parliament then elects the head of state. In these kinds of republics, the usual term for a president is in the range of four to seven years. In some countries the constitution limits the number of terms the same person can be elected as president.
If the head of state of a republic is at the same time the head of government, this is called a presidential system (example: United States). In semi-presidential systems and parliamentary republics, where the head of state is not the same person as the head of government, the latter is usually termed prime minister, premier (from the French term for "first"), president of the ministers' council, or chancellor. Depending on what the president's specific duties are (for example, advisory role in the formation of a government after an election), and varying by convention, the president's role may range from the ceremonial and apolitical to influential and highly political. The Prime Minister is responsible for managing the policies and the central government. The rules for appointing the president and the leader of the government, in some republics permit the appointment of a president and a prime minister who have opposing political convictions: in France, when the members of the ruling cabinet and the president come from opposing political factions, this situation is called cohabitation. In countries such as Germany and India, however, the president needs to be strictly non-partisan.
In some countries, like Switzerland and San Marino, the head of state is not a single person but a committee (council) of several persons holding that office. The Roman Republic had two consuls, appointed for a year. During the year of their consulship each consul would in turn be head of state for a month at a time, thus alternating the office of consul maior (the consul in power) and of consul suffectus (the subordinate consul who retained some independence, and held certain veto powers over the consul maior) for their joint term.
Republics can be led by a head of state that has many of the characteristics of a monarch: not only do some republics install a president for life, and invest such president with powers beyond what is usual in a representative democracy, examples such as the post-1970 Syrian Arab Republic show that such a presidency can apparently be made hereditary. Historians disagree when the Roman Republic turned into Imperial Rome: the reason is that the first Emperors were given their head of state powers gradually in a government system that in appearance did not originally much differ from the Roman Republic[6].
Countries usually qualified as monarchies can have many traits of a republic in terms of form of government. The political power of monarchs can be non-existent, limited to a purely ceremonial function or the impact by the people on the country's government can be exerted to the extent that they appear to have the power to have their monarch replaced by another one[7].
The often assumed "mutual exclusiveness" of monarchies and republics as forms of government[2] is thus not to be taken too literally, and largely depends on circumstances:
Autocrats might try to give themselves a democratic tenure by calling themselves president (or princeps or princeps senatus in the case of Ancient Rome), and the form of government of their country "republic", instead of using a monarchic based terminology[8].
For full-fledged representative democracies ultimately it generally does not make all that much difference whether the head of state is a monarch or a president, nor, in fact, whether these countries call themselves a monarchy or a republic. Other factors, for instance, religious matters (see next section) can often make a greater distinguishing mark when comparing the forms of government of actual countries.
For this reason, in political science the several definitions of "republic", which in such a context invariably indicate an "ideal" form of government, do not always exclude monarchy:[9] the evolution of such definitions of "republic" in a context of political philosophy is treated in republicanism. Nations such as the United Kingdom and Australia have thus sometimes been referred to as crowned republics. [10]
The least that can be said is that anti-monarchism, the opposition to monarchy as such, did not always play a critical role in the creation and/or management of republics. For some republics, not choosing a monarch as head of state could as well be a practical rather than an ideological consideration. Such "practical" considerations could be, for example, a situation where there was no monarchical candidate readily available[11]. However, for the states created during or shortly after the Enlightenment the choice was always deliberate: republics created in that period inevitably had anti-monarchical characteristics. For the United States the opposition of some to the British Monarchy played a role, as did the overthrow of the French Monarchy in the creation of the first French Republic. By the time of the creation of the Fifth Republic in that country "anti-monarchist" tendencies were barely felt. The relations of that country to other countries made no distinctions whether these other countries were "monarchies" or not.
[edit]Role of religion
Before several Reformation movements established themselves in Europe, changes in the religious landscape rarely had any relation to the form of government adopted by a country. As an example, Ancient Rome's transition from polytheism to Christianity did not mark the end of the Roman emperor's role in government. Similarly, late Middle Age republics, like Venice, emerged without questioning the religious standards set by the Roman Catholic church.[12][13]
This would change, for instance, by the cuius regio, eius religio from the Treaty of Augsburg (1555): this treaty, applicable in the Holy Roman Empire and affecting the numerous (city-)states of Germany, ordained citizens to follow the religion of their ruler, whatever Christian religion that ruler chose — apart from Calvinism (which remained forbidden by the same treaty). In France the king abolished the relative tolerance towards non-Catholic religions resulting from the Edict of Nantes (1598), by the Edict of Fontainebleau (1685). In the United Kingdom and in Spain the respective monarchs had each established their favoured brand of Christianity, so that by the time of the Enlightenment in Europe (including the depending colonies) there was not a single absolute monarchy that tolerated another religion than the official one of the state.
[edit]Republics may diminish the influence of religion
An important reason why people could choose their society to be organized as a republic is the prospect of staying free of state religion: in this approach living under a monarch is seen as more easily inducing a uniform religion. All great monarchies had their state religion, in the case of pharaohs and some emperors this could even lead to a religion where the monarchs (or their dynasty) were endowed with a god-like status (see for example imperial cult). On a different scale, kingdoms can be entangled in a specific flavour of religion: Catholicism in Belgium, Church of England in the United Kingdom, Orthodoxy in Tsaristic Russia and many more examples.
In absence of a monarchy, there can be no monarch pushing towards a single religion. As this had been the general perception by the time of the Enlightenment, it is not so surprising that republics were seen by some Enlightenment thinkers as the preferable form of state organisation, if one wanted to avoid the downsides of living under a too influential state religion. Rousseau, an exception, envisioned a republic with a demanding state "civil religion":
United States: the Founding Fathers, seeing that no single religion would do for all Americans, adopted the principle that the federal government would neither support nor prohibit any established religion (as had Connecticut and Rhode Island, although Rhode Island and Connecticut are part of the U.S.).[14]
Besides being anti-monarchial, the French Revolution, leading to the first French Republic, was at least as much anti-religious, and led to the confiscation, pillage and/or destruction of many abbeys, beguinages, churches and other religious buildings and/or communities[15]. Although the French revolutionaries tried to institute civil religions to replace "uncivic" Catholicism, nevertheless, up to the Fifth Republic, laicite can be seen to have a much more profound meaning in republican France than in neighbouring countries ruled as monarchies[16].
Several states that called themselves republics have been fiercely anti-religious. This is particularly true for communist republics like the (former) Soviet Republics, North Vietnam, and North Korea.
[edit]Other republics may promote a particular religion
Some countries or states preferred to organise themselves as a republic, precisely because it allows them to establish a more or less obligatory state religion in their constitution. Islamic republics generally take this approach, but the same is also true, to varying degrees, in the Protestant republic that originated in the Netherlands during the Renaissance,[17], among others. In this case the advantage that is sought is that no broad-thinking monarch could push his citizens towards a less strict application of religious prescriptions (like for instance the Millet system had done in the Ottoman Empire[18]) or change to another religion altogether (like the repetitive changes of state religions under the Henry VIII / Edward VI / Mary I / Elizabeth I succession of monarchs in England). An approach such as this, of an ideal republic based on a consolidated religious foundation, was an important factor in the overthrow of the regime of the Shah in Iran, to be replaced by a republic with influential ayatollahs (which is the term for religious leaders in that country), the most influential, as well as the highest ranking political authority of the republic, is known as the "supreme leader".
[edit]Concepts of democracy
Republics are often associated with democracy, which seems natural if one acknowledges the meaning of the expression from which the word "republic" derives (see: res publica, public matters). This association between "republic" and "democracy" is however far from a general understanding, even if acknowledging that there are several forms of democracy[19]. This section tries to give an outline of which concepts of democracy are associated with which types of republics.
As a preliminary remark, the concept of "one equal vote per adult" did not become a generically-accepted principle in democracies until around the middle of the 20th century: before that in all democracies the right to vote depended on one's financial situation, sex, race, age, or a combination of these and other factors. Many forms of government in previous times termed "democracy", including for instance the Athenian democracy, would, when transplanted to the early 21st century be classified as plutocracy or a broad oligarchy, because of the rules on how votes were counted.
In the West, there was a convergence towards representative democracy, for republics as well as monarchies, from the Enlightenment on. In particular, the fear of mob rule concerned many, like Benjamin Franklin and John Adams, who supported representative democracies. A direct democracy instrument like a referendum is still basically mistrusted in many of the countries that adopted representative democracy.[citation needed] Nonetheless, some republics like Switzerland have a great deal of direct democracy in their state organisation, with several issues put before the people by referendum every year.
Marxism inspired state organisations that, at the height of the Cold War, had barely more than a few external appearances in common with Western types of democracies[citation needed], notwithstanding that on an ideological level Marxism and communism sought to empower proletarians. A Communist republic like Fidel Castro's Cuba has many "popular committees" to allow participation from citizens on a very basic level, without much of a far-reaching political power resulting from that.[citation needed] This approach to democracy is sometimes termed "basic democracy,"[citation needed] but the term is contentious: the intended result is often something in between direct democracy and grassroots democracy, but connotations may vary.[citation needed]
Some of the hardline totalitarianism lived on in the East, even after the Iron Curtain fell.[citation needed] Sometimes the full name of such republics can be deceptive: having "people's" or "democratic" in the name of a country can, in some cases bear no relation with the concepts of democracy (neither "representative" nor "direct") that grew in the West. In fact, the phrases "People's Republic" and/or "Democratic Republic" were part of the official titles of many Marxist states during the Cold War, including East Germany, North Korea, Mongolia, and today's People's Republic of China. It also should be clear that many of these "Eastern" type of republics fall outside a definition of a republic that supposes control over who is in power by the people at large – unless it is accepted that the preference the people displays for their leader is in all cases authentic.[citation needed]
[edit]Influence of republicanism
Main article: Republicanism
Like Anti-monarchism and religious differences, republicanism played no equal role in the emergence of the many actual republics. Up to the republics that originated in the late Middle Ages, even if, from what we know about them, they also can be qualified "republics" in a modern understanding of the word, establishing the kind and amount of "republicanism" that led to their emergence is often limited to educated guesswork, based on sources that are generally recognised to be partly fictitious reconstruction[20].
There is however, for instance, no doubt that republicanism was a founding ideology of the United States of America and remains at the core of American political values. See Republicanism in the United States.
[edit]In antiquity
In ancient India, a number of Maha Janapadas were established as republics by the 6th century BC.[21] In the ancient Near East, a number of cities of the Levant achieved collective rule. Arwad has been cited as one of the earliest known examples of a republic, in which the people, rather than a monarch, are described as sovereign.[22]
The important politico-philosophical writings of antiquity that survived the Middle Ages rarely had any influence on the emergence or strengthening of republics in the time they were written. When Plato wrote the dialogue that later, in English speaking countries, became known as The Republic (a faulty translation from several points of view), Athenian democracy had already been established, and was not influenced by the treatise (if it had, it would have become less republican in a modern understanding).[23] Plato's own experiments with his political principles in Syracuse were a failure.[23] Cicero's De re publica, far from being able to redirect the Roman state to reinforce its republican form of government, rather reads as a prelude to the Imperial form of government that indeed emerged soon after Cicero's death.
[edit]In the renaissance
The emergence of the Renaissance, on the other hand, was marked by the adoption of many of these writings from Antiquity, which led to a more or less coherent view, retroactively termed "classical republicanism". Differences however remained regarding which kind of "mix" in a mixed government type of ideal state would be the most inherently republican.[24] For those republics that emerged after the publication of the Renaissance philosophies regarding republics, like the Dutch Republic, it is not always all that clear what role exactly was played by republicanism — among a host of other reasons — that led to the choice for "republic" as form of state ("other reasons" indicated elsewhere in this article: e.g., not finding a suitable candidate as monarch; anti-Catholicism; a middle class striving for political influence).
[edit]Enlightenment republicanism


An allegory of the Republic in Paris
The Enlightenment had brought a new generation of political thinkers, showing that, among other things, political philosophy was in the process of refocusing to political science.[24] This time the influence of the political thinkers, like John Locke, on the emergence of republics in America and France soon thereafter was unmistakable: separation of powers, separation of church and state, etc. were introduced with a certain degree of success in the new republics, along the lines of the major political thinkers of the day.
In fact, the Enlightenment had set the standard for republics, as well as in many cases for monarchies, in the next century. The most important principles established by the close of the Enlightenment were the rule of law, the requirement that governments reflect the self-interest of the people that were subject to that law, that governments act in the national interest, in ways which are understandable to the public at large, and that there be some means of self-determination.
[edit]In the United Kingdom and the United States
In his book, A Defence of the Constitutions (1787), John Adams used the definition of "republic" in Dr. Johnson's 1755 Dictionary: "a government of more than one person." But elsewhere in the same tract, and in several other writings, Adams made it clear that he thought of the British state as a republic because the executive, though a unitary "king", was obliged to obey laws enacted with the concurrence of the legislature.[9]
[edit]Proletarian republicanism
The next major branch in political thinking was pushed forward by Karl Marx, who argued that classes, rather than nationalities, had interests. He argued that governments represented the interests of the dominant class, and that, eventually, the states of his era would be overthrown by those dominated by the rising class of the proletariat[25].
Here again the formation of republics along the line of the new political philosophies followed quickly after the emergence of the philosophies: from the early 20th century on communist type of republics were set up (communist monarchies were at least by name excluded), many of them standing for about a century — but in increasing tension with the states that were more direct heirs of the ideas of the Enlightenment.
[edit]Islamic republicanism
Following decolonialization in the second half of 20th century, the political dimension of Islam[26] knew a new impulse, leading to several Islamic republics. As far as "Enlightenment" and "communist" principles were sometimes up to a limited level incorporated in these republics, such principles were always subject to principles laid down in the Qur'an. In Iran, for example, the state is called a republic because it has an independent plural legislature (the majlis) and two independently chosen executives, a secular president and a religious leader (who is qualified as "supreme"). So, although there is no apparent reason why sharia and related concepts of Islamic political thought should emerge in a republican form of government, the movement for Islamic republics is generally not qualified as a form of "republicanism".
[edit]Economic factors
The ancient concept of res publica, when applied to politics, had always implied that citizens on one level or another took part in governing the state: at least citizens were not indifferent to decisions taken by those in charge, and could engage in political debate. A line of thought followed often by historians[27] is that citizens, under normal circumstances, would only become politically active if they had spare time above and beyond the daily effort for mere survival. In other words, enough of a wealthy middle class (that did not get its political influence from a monarch as nobility did) is often seen as one of the preconditions to establish a republican form of government. By this reasoning, the republican emergence of the cities of the Hanseatic League, late 19th century Catalonia, and the Netherlands during their Golden Age comes as no surprise, their societies wealthy through commerce, with an influential and rich middle class.
Here also the different nature of republics inspired by Marxism becomes apparent: Karl Marx theorised that the government of a state should be based on the proletarians, that is on those whose political opinions never had been asked before, even less had been considered to really matter when designing a state organisation. There was a problem Marxist/Communist types of republics had to solve: most proletarians were lacking interest and/or experience in designing a state organisation, even if acquainted with Das Kapital or Engels' writings. While the practical political involvement of proletarians on the level of an entire country hardly ever materialised, these communist republics were more often than not organised in a very top-down structure.
[edit]Aggregations of states
When a country or state is organised on several levels (that is: several states that are "associated" in a "superstructure", or a country is split in sub-states with a relative form of independence) several models exist:
Both over-arching structure and sub-states take the form of a republic (Example: United States)
The over-arching structure is a republic, while the sub-states are not necessarily (Example: European Union);
The over-arching structure is not a republic, while the sub-states can be (Example: Holy Roman Empire, after the emergence of republics, like those of the Hanseatic League, within its realm).
[edit]Sub-national republics
In general being a republic also implies sovereignty as for the state to be ruled by the people it cannot be controlled by a foreign power. There are important exceptions to this, for example, Republics in the Soviet Union were member states which had to meet three criteria to be named republics:
be on the periphery of the Soviet Union so as to be able to take advantage of their theoretical right to secede;
be economically strong enough to be self-sufficient upon secession; and
be named after at least one million people of the ethnic group which should make up the majority population of said republic.
Republics were originally created by Stalin and continue to be created even today in Russia. Russia itself is not a republic but a federation. It is sometimes argued that the former Soviet Union was also a supra-national republic, based on the claim that the member states were different nations.
States of the United States are required, like the federal government, to be republican in form, with final authority resting with the people. This was required because the states were intended to create and enforce most domestic laws, with the exception of areas delegated to the federal government and prohibited to the states. The founding fathers of the country intended most domestic laws to be handled by the states, although, over time, the federal government has gained more and more influence over domestic law. Requiring the states to be a republic in form was seen as protecting the citizens' rights and preventing a state from becoming a dictatorship or monarchy, and reflected unwillingness on the part of the original 13 states (all independent republics) to unite with other states that were not republics. Additionally, this requirement ensured that only other republics could join the union.
In the example of the United States, the original 13 British colonies became independent states after the American Revolution, each having a republican form of government. These independent states initially formed a loose confederation called the United States and then later formed the current United States by ratifying the current U.S. Constitution, creating a union of sovereign states with the union or federal government also being a republic. Any state joining the union later was also required to be a republic.
[edit]Supra-national republics[citation needed]
Sovereign countries can decide to hand in a limited part of their sovereignty to a supra-national organisation. At present the only significant example of this is the European Union (EU), which developed in the second half of the 20th century as the European Communities. Although it is not common to classify the EU as a "country" (though it does operate as a federation in some fields), the organisation of the European Union is based on a republican system in that there is no hereditary element, rather power is held in a directly elected European Parliament and a Council of national governments. These bodies operate a joint legislative system headed by an independent executive (the European Commission) which is appointed by those two bodies.
However, the members of the EU are not all republics. It is the most common system but being a republic is not a condition for membership — only that there is a working democracy (hence, constitutional monarchies are allowed, but absolute monarchies are not). Hence, while the EU operates as a supra-national republic, some of its members operate a hereditary system for its head of state[28] There is a similar situation in regards to religion in the state, a minority of members have an established state church (though there is freedom of religion) but the EU itself has no such institutional element which is biased to a particular faith.
[edit]Examples of republics

Main article: List of republics
In the early 21st century, most states that are not monarchies label themselves as republics either in their official names or their constitutions. There are a few exceptions: the Libyan Arab Jamahiriya, Israel and the Russian Federation. Israel, Russia, and Libya would meet many definitions of the term republic, however.
Since the term republic is so vague by itself, many states felt it necessary to add additional qualifiers in order to clarify what kind of republics they claim to be. Here is a list of such qualifiers and variations on the term "republic":
Without other qualifier than the term Republic — for example France and Turkey.
Constitutional republic — A constitutional republic is a state where the head of state and other officials are elected as representatives of the people and must govern according to existing constitutional law that limits the government's power over citizens. There are a number of distinct forms of constitutional republics. In a mixed constitutional republic, executive, legislative, and judicial powers are separated into distinct branches so that no individual or group has absolute power and the power of the majority of the population is checked by only allowing them to elect representatives. The fact that a constitution exists that limits the government's power, makes the state constitutional. That the head(s) of state and other officials are chosen by election, rather than inheriting their positions, and that their decisions are subject to judicial review makes a state republican.-United States
Parliamentary republic — a republic with an elected Head of state, but where the Head of state and Head of government are kept separate with the Head of government retaining most executive powers, or a Head of state akin to a Head of government, elected by a Parliament.
Federal republic, confederation or federation — a federal union of states or provinces with a republican form of government. Examples include Argentina, Austria, Brazil, Germany, India, Russia and Switzerland.
Islamic Republic — Countries like Afghanistan, Pakistan, Iran are republics governed in accordance with Islamic law. (Note: Turkey is a distinct exception and is not included in this list; while the population is predominantly Muslim, the state is a staunchly secular republic.)
Arab Republic — for example, Syria its name reflecting its theoretically pan-Arab Ba'athist government.
People's Republic — Countries like China, North Korea are meant to be governed for and by the people, but generally without direct elections. Thus, they use the term People's Republic, which was shared by many past Communist states.
Democratic Republic — Tends to be used by countries who have a particular desire to emphasize their claim to be democratic; these are typically Communist states and/or ex-colonies. Examples include the German Democratic Republic (no longer in existence) and the Democratic Republic of the Congo.
Commonwealth (Rzeczpospolita) — Both words (English and Polish) are derived from the Latin word res publica (literally "common affairs"). Used for both the current Republic of Poland, and the old Nobility Commonwealth.
Free state — Sometimes used as a label to indicate implementation of, or transition from a monarchical to, a republican form of government. Used for the Irish Free State (1922–1937) under an Irish Republican government, while still remaining associated with the British Empire.
Venezuela has been using, since the adoption of the 1999 constitution, the title of Bolivarian Republic of Venezuela.
Other modifiers are rooted in tradition and history and usually have no real political meaning. San Marino, for instance, is the "Most Serene Republic" while Uruguay is "Republica Oriental", which implies it lies on the eastern bank of the Uruguay River.
[edit]Republics in political theory

In political theory and political science, the term "republic" is generally applied to a state where the government's political power depends solely on the consent, however nominal, of the people governed. This usage leads to two sets of problematic classification. The first are states which are oligarchical in nature, but are not nominally hereditary, such as many dictatorships, the second are states where all, or almost all, real political power is held by democratic institutions, but which have a monarch as nominal head of state, generally known as constitutional monarchies (occasionally called "crowned republics"). The first case causes many outside the state to deny that the state should, in fact, be seen as a Republic. In many states of the second kind there are active "republican" movements that promote the ending of even the nominal monarchy, and the semantic problem is often resolved by calling the state a democracy.
Generally, political scientists try to analyse underlying realities, not the names by which they go: whether a political leader calls himself "king" or "president", and the state he governs a "monarchy" or a "republic" is not the essential characteristic, whether he exercises power as an autocrat is. In this sense political analysts may say that the First World War was, in many respects, the death knell for monarchy, and the establishment of republicanism, whether de facto and/or de jure, as being essential for a modern state. The Austro-Hungarian Empire and the German Empire were both abolished by the terms of the peace treaty after the war, the Russian Empire overthrown by the Russian Revolution of 1917. Even within the victorious states, monarchs were gradually being stripped of their powers and prerogatives, and more and more the government was in the hands of elected bodies whose majority party headed the executive. Nonetheless post-World War I Germany, a de jure republic, would develop into a de facto autocracy by the mid 1930s: the new peace treaty, after the Second World War, took more precaution in making the terms thus that also de facto (the Western part of) Germany would remain a republic.
Per se political theorists, and particularly historians of political thought, tend to use republic as a term-of-art, applying it exclusively to the particular form of government expounded in Machiavelli's Discourses on Livy. On this account, the essential characteristic of republican governance is the sharing of power between a unitary leader, an aristocratic institution, and a plebeian institution. Machiavelli argues that the counterbalancing of these three interests leads to a sounder and more stable government than monarchy, aristocracy, or democracy alone could. This understanding of the term has seen recent renaissance in the work of theorists such as Philip Pettit and Cass Sunstein.
[edit]Notes and references

^ Webster's Third New International Dictionary: "Republic: a state where the head of state is not a monarch (...)".
^ a b Niccolo Machiavelli, 1532, The Prince, Chapter 1.
^ Oligarchies or aristocracies are not always indicated as republics, but for instance Montesquieu in his 1748 The Spirit of the Laws (e.g. book II, 1: "a republican government is that in which the body, or only a part of the people, is possessed of the supreme power"), does
^ e.g. Republic article in Encyclopadia Britannica
^ Some states, although not being led by a monarch, and having a democratic constitution, choose not to term themselves "republic".
^ Tacitus, Ann. I,1-15.
^ Example: Leopold III of Belgium replaced by Baudouin in 1951 under popular pressure.
^ For instance Mobutu Sese Seko is generally considered such "autocrat" that tried to give an appearance of "republican democracy" to his style of government, for instance by allowing something that was generally regarded a sockpuppet opposition.
^ a b For instance, following quote taken from John Adams, "Novanglus" in Boston Gazette, 6 March 1775 (reprinted in The Papers of John Adams, vol. 7, p. 314): "If Aristotle, Livy, and Harrington knew what a republic was, the British constitution is much more like a republic than an empire. They define a republic to be a government of laws, and not of men. If this definition is just, the British constitution is nothing more or less than a republic, in which the king is first magistrate. This office being hereditary, and being possessed of such ample and splendid prerogatives, is no objection to the government's being a republic, as long as it is bound by fixed laws, which the people have a voice in making, and a right to defend."
^ The novelist and essayist H.G.Wells regularly used the term crowned republic to describe the United Kingdom, for instance in his work A Short History of the World. Alfred, Lord Tennyson in his poem [ http://ebooks.adelaide.edu.au/t/tennyson/alfred/idylls/chapter13.html Idylls of the King].
^ For instance the United Provinces: after the Act of Abjuration (1581) the Duke of Anjou and later the Earl of Leicester were asked to rule the Netherlands. After these candidates had declined the office, the Republic was only established in 1588.
^ This section draws from, among other people, Geschiedenis der nieuwe tijden by J. Warichez and L. Brounts, 1946, Standaard Boekhandel (Antwerp/Brussels/Ghent/Louvain) and Cultuurgetijden (history books for secondary school in 6 volumes), Dr. J. A. Van Houtte et. al., several editions and reprints in 1960s through 1970s, Van In (Lier).
^ However, the Catholic Church itself briefly adopted a republican institution when it was offered by the Conciliarist movement as a solution to the Great Schism (rival papacies) during the late 14th century. The ecumenical Council of Constance in 1415 deposed three of the rival popes, elected a fourth, and extracted a promise from him that future such councils would continue to be called by future popes at regular intervals. (The Pope's concession to conciliarism did not last very long, but the English Parliament would not extract anything like it from its kings until the Puritan Revolution of the 1640s.)
^ At first the states remained free to establish religions, but they had all disestablished their "state" churches by 1836, and any residual options they might otherwise have pursued were eliminated in the 20th century by federal courts according to their reading of the First Amendment.
^ see also Republicanism and religion
^ Example: French law on secularity and conspicuous religious symbols in schools — a similar law was tentatively debated in Belgium, but deemed incompatible with the less profoundly secularized Belgian state.
^ After the Duke of Anjou and the Earl of Leicester had declined the offer to become ruler of the Seven Provinces (see note above), William I of Orange had been the obvious choice for king. The volume Nieuwe tijden, from the Cultuurgetijden series, as mentioned in a previous note, elaborates on p. 63-65 (supported by a quote of the contemporary Pontus Payen) that William of Orange was perceived as too lenient towards Catholicism to be acceptable as king for the Protestants.
^ Although in Turkey the ensuing republic would become relatively tolerant towards other religions, the straight multicultural approach of the Millet system, that had allowed Christians and Jews to form state-in-state like communities, would remain unparalleled.
^ See for example Federalist No. 10 by James Madison — An original framer of the U.S. Constitution advocates a republic over a democracy, or rather, an aristocratic republic over a democratic one. See Republicanism in the United States for the connotations of the terms "democracy" and "republic" in the 1787 context when this article was written. Further clarification of this "democracy" vs "republic" idea in the US can be found in Republicanism in the United States#A typical definition of democracy vs republic
^ For example, what is known about the origins of the Roman Republic is based on works by Polybius, Livy, Plutarch, and others, all of which wrote at least some centuries after the emergence of that Republic — without exception all these authors have historical exactitude issues, including relative uncertainty over the year when the Roman Republic would have emerged.
^ Democracy in Ancient India by Steve Muhlberger, Associate Professor of History, Nipissing University.
^ Martin Bernal, Black Athena Writes Back (Durham: Duke University Press, 2001), 359.
^ a b Popper, Carl The Open Society and its Enemies, 1945, Volume I ("The Spell of Plato")
^ a b Since antiquity the basic categorisation of forms of government was (1) a single person governs (includes monarchy, autarchy, states led by a single tyrant or dictator,...); (2) a limited number of people governs (includes oligarchy, aristocracy-governed states, etc); (3) the people governs, which is democracy. With this basic categorisation, for instance a representative democracy can only be defined in terms of mixed government (that is: mixing characteristics of two or three of the basic categories into a "composed" form of government). Compare Tacitus, Ann. IV, 33: "All nations and cities are ruled by the people, the nobility, or by one man. [...]". By the Enlightenment this division in three basic types of government (+ "mixed" solutions) had changed, for instance Montesquieu defines his basic categories thus: "There are three species of government: republican, monarchical, and despotic" (Spirit of Laws, II, 1), and then he defines two "types" of republic: "a republican government is that in which the body, or only a part of the people, is possessed of the supreme power; [...] When the body of the people is possessed of the supreme power, it is called a democracy. When the supreme power is lodged in the hands of a part of the people, it is then an aristocracy." (Op. cit. II, 1-2)
^ See for instance Marxism, Paris Commune.
^ That Islam would have a more intrinsic political dimension than most other religions is argued, among others, by Afshin Ellian ([1]) in his book Brieven van een Pers (Meulenhoff — ISBN 90-290-7522-8)
^ For instance, Historia series of history books, chief editor prof. dr. M. Dierickx sj, published by De Nederlandse Boekhandel (Antwerpen/Amsterdam) in several editions from 1955 to the late 1970s studies these links between the presence of a wealthy middle class and the republics that emerged throughout history.
^ No hereditary head of state participates in the institutions of the European Union, such as the European Council, as none hold the powers associated with representing their state at negotiations.
[edit]Further reading

De Republica Anglorum; the Manner of Government or Policie of the Realme of England, Sir Thomas Smyth, 1583. (England is described under Queen Elizabeth I as a republic, the term "mixed" does appear in it. Sir Thomas states that all commonwealths are of mixed character.)
Jean Bodin, Six Books of the Commonwealth ("Six Livres de la Republique," 1576), Abridged and translated by M. J. Tooley, Basil Blackwell, Oxford, 1955 (For Bodin, any state is a "republique" if it has sovereignty).
Jean-Jacques Rousseau, Du Contrat Social, ou Principes de Droit Politique (1762)
Paul A. Rahe, Republics, Ancient and Modern, three volumes, University of North Carolina Press, Chapel Hill, 1994.
William R. Everdell (2000). "The End of Kings: A History of Republics and Republicans". University of Chicago Press.
Martin van Gelderen & Quentin Skinner, eds., Republicanism: A Shared European Heritage, v1, Republicanism and Constitutionalism in Early Modern Europe, Cambridge: Cambridge U.P., 2002
Martin van Gelderen & Quentin Skinner, eds., Republicanism: A Shared European Heritage, v2, The Values of Republicanism in Early Modern Europe, Cambridge: Cambridge U.P., 2002
Philip Pettit, Republicanism: A Theory of Freedom and Government, NY: Oxford U.P., 1997, ISBN 0-19-829083-7; Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1997.
Frederic Monera, L'idee de Republique et la jurisprudence du Conseil constitutionnel — Paris: L.G.D.J., 2004 [2]-[3];
[edit]See also

Look up republic in
Wiktionary, the free dictionary.
List of republics
Republicanism
Categories: Forms of government | Republics

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Republicanism
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
Republicanism is the ideology of governing a nation as a republic, where the head of state is appointed by other means than hereditary, often elections. An important element of Republicanism is constitutional law to limit the state's power over its citizens. Early proponents of Republicanism, such as John Milton, put emphasis on the dangers of corruption and the importance of civic virtues.
Contents [hide]
1 Radicalism
2 Contemporary republicanism
3 Republicanism in political science
3.1 Antique antecedents
3.1.1 Ancient Greece
3.1.2 Ancient Rome
3.2 Renaissance republicanism
3.2.1 Dutch Republic
3.2.2 Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth
3.3 Enlightenment republicanism
3.3.1 England
3.3.2 French and Swiss thought
3.4 Republican ideology in the United States
3.5 Republicanisme
3.6 Modern republicanism
3.6.1 Turkey
3.7 United States
3.8 British Empire and Commonwealth of Nations
3.9 Neo-republicanism
3.10 Democracy
3.10.1 Democracy and republic
3.10.2 Constitutional monarchs and upper chambers
4 See also
4.1 Specific countries
5 References
5.1 European versions
5.2 American versions
6 External links
[edit]Radicalism

Main article: Radicalism (historical)
Radicalism emerged in European states in the 19th century. Although most radical parties later came to be in favor of economic liberalism, thus justifying the absorption of radicalism into the liberal tradition, all 19th century radicals were in favor of a constitutional republic and universal suffrage, while European liberals were at the time in favor of constitutional monarchy and census suffrage. Thus, radicals were as much Republicans as liberals, if not more. This distinction between Radicalism and Liberalism hasn't totally disappeared in the 20th century, although many radicals simply joined liberal parties or became virtually identical to them. For example, the Left Radical Party in France or the (originally Italian) Transnational Radical Party which exist today have a lot more to do with Republicanism than with simple liberalism.
Thus, Chartism in the UK or even the early Republican, Radical and Radical-Socialist Party in France were closer to Republicanism (and the left-wing) than to liberalism, represented in France by the Orleanists who rallied to the Republic only in the late 19th century, after the comte de Chambord's 1883 death and the 1891 papal encyclicalDe Rerum Novarum. Radicalism remained close to Republicanism (which is a term used more commonly to identify the conservative-liberal tradition in France, represented by a series of parties: Democratic Republican Alliance, Republican Federation, National Center of Independents and Peasants, Independent Republicans, Republican Party, Liberal Democracy) in the 20th century, at least in France where they governed several times with the other left-wing parties (participating in both the Cartel des gauches coalitions as well as the Popular Front).
Discredited after the Second World War, French Radicals split into a left-wing party – the Left Radical Party, a part of the Socialist Party – and the Radical Party "valoisien", an associate party of the conservative Union for a Popular Movement (UMP) and its Gaullist predecessors. Italian Radicals also maintained close links with Republicanism as well as Socialism, with the Partito radicale founded in 1955 which became the Transnational Radical Party in 1989.
[edit]Contemporary republicanism

Anti-monarchial republicanism remains a political force of varying importance in many states. In the European monarchies, such as the United Kingdom, the Netherlands, and Sweden there has not been much contemporary popular support for republicanism. In such states republicanism is usually motivated by decreasing popularity of the Royal Family, who may be increasingly embroiled in scandal or conflict. However the classical argument against monarchy versus the egalitarian aspects of republicanism will often remain prominent as well. There are also republican movements of varying size and effect in the Commonwealth nations Australia, Canada, New Zealand, Jamaica and Barbados. In these countries, republicanism is largely about the post-colonial evolution of their relationships with the United Kingdom.
Further information: Abolished monarchy, Republicanism in Australia, British republicanism, Republicanism in Canada, and Republicanism in New Zealand
[edit]Republicanism in political science

A different interpretation of republicanism is used among political scientists. To them a republic is the rule by many and by laws while a princedom is the arbitrary rule by one. By this definition despotic states are not republics while, according to some such as Kant, constitutional monarchies can be. Kant also argues that a pure democracy is not a republic, as it is the unrestricted rule of the majority. For some republicanism meant simply lack of monarchy, for other monarchy was a form of republic.
[edit]Antique antecedents
Main article: Classical republicanism
[edit]Ancient Greece
In Ancient Greece several philosophers and historians set themselves to analysing and describing forms of government of classical republicanism. There is no single written expression or definition from this era that exactly corresponds with a modern understanding of the term "republic". However, most of the essential features of the modern definition are present in the works of Plato, Aristotle, Polybius, and other ancient Greeks. These elements include the ideas of mixed government and of civic virtue. It should be noted that the modern title of Plato's dialogue on the ideal state (The Republic) is a misnomer when seen through the eyes of modern political science (see Republic (Plato)). Some scholars have translated the Greek concept of "politeia" as "republic", but most modern scholars reject this idea.
A number of Ancient Greek states such as Athens and Sparta have been classified as classical republics, though this uses a definition of republic that was developed much later.
[edit]Ancient Rome
Both Livy (in Latin, living in Augustus' time) and Plutarch (in Greek, a century later) described how Rome had developed its legislation, notably the transition from kingdom to republic, based on Greek examples. Probably some of this history, composed more than half a millennium after the events, with scant written sources to rely on, is fictitious reconstruction - nonetheless the influence of the Greek way of dealing with government is clear in the state organisation of the Roman Republic.
The Greek historian Polybius, writing more than a century before Livy, was one of the first historians describing the emergence of the Roman Empire, and he had a great influence on Cicero when this orator was writing his politico-philosophical works in the 1st century BC. One of these works was De re publica, where Cicero links the Latin res publica concept to the Greek politeia." As explained in the res publica article, this concept only partly correlates with the modern term "republic," although the word "republic" is derived from res publica.
Among the many meanings of the term res publica, it is most often translated "Republic" where the Latin expression refers to the Roman state and its form of government between the era of the Kings and the era of the Emperors. This Roman Republic would by a modern understanding of the word still be defined as a true republic, even if not coinciding in all the features. Enlightenment philosophers saw it as an ideal system; for example there was no systematic separation of powers in the Roman Republic.
Romans still called their state "Res Publica" in the era of the early emperors. The reason for this is that on the surface the state organisation of the Republic had been preserved by the first emperors without great alteration. Several offices from the era of the Republic held by individuals were combined under the control of a single person. These forms were accorded permanent" status and thus gradually placed sovereignty in the person of the Emperor. Traditionally, such references to the early empire are not translated as "republic".
As for Cicero, his description of the ideal state in De re publica is more difficult to qualify as a "republic" in modern terms. It is rather something like enlightened absolutism--not to say benevolent dictatorship--and indeed Cicero's philosophical works, as available at that time, were very influential when Enlightenment philosophers like Voltaire developed these concepts. Cicero expressed however reservations concerning the republican form of government: in his theoretical works he defended monarchy (or a monarchy/oligarchy mixed government at best); in his own political life he generally opposed men trying to realise such ideals, like Julius Caesar, Mark Antony and Octavian. Eventually, that opposition led to his death. So, depending on how one reads history, Cicero could be seen as a victim of his own deep-rooted republican ideals, too.
Tacitus, a contemporary of Plutarch, was not concerned with whether on an abstract level a form of government could be analysed as a "republic" or a "monarchy" (see for example Ann. IV, 32-33). He analyzes how the powers accumulated by the early Julio-Claudian dynasty were all given to the representants of this dynasty by a State that was and remained in an ever more "abstract" way a republic; nor was the Roman Republic "forced" to give away these powers to single persons in a consecutive dynasty: it did so out of free will, and reasonably in Augustus' case, because of his many services to the state, freeing it from civil wars and the like.
But at least Tacitus is one of the first to follow this line of thought: asking in what measure such powers were given to the head of state because the citizens wanted to give them, and in which measure they were given because of other principles (for example, because one had a deified ancestor) — such other principles leading more easily to abuse by the one in power. In this sense, that is in Tacitus' analysis, the trend away from the Republic was irreversible only when Tiberius established power shortly after Augustus' death (AD 14, much later than most historians place the start of the Imperial form of government in Rome): by this time too many principles defining some powers as "untouchable" had been implemented to keep Tiberius from exercising certain powers, and the age of "sockpuppetry in the external form of a republic", as Tacitus more or less describes this Emperor's reign, began (Ann. I-VI).
In classical meaning, republic was any established political community with government above it. Both Plato and Aristotle saw three basic types of government, democracy, aristocracy, and monarchy. However an ideal type was considered mixed government. First Plato and Aristotle, and especially Polybius and Cicero developed the notion that the ideal republic is a mixture of these three forms of government and the writers of the Renaissance embraced this notion.
[edit]Renaissance republicanism
In Europe, republicanism was revived in the late Middle Ages when a number of small states embraced a republican system of government. These were generally small, but wealthy, trading states in which the merchant class had risen to prominence. Haakonssen notes that by the Renaissance Europe was divided with those states controlled by a landed elite being monarchies and those controlled by a commercial elite being republics. These included Italian city states like Florence and Venice and the members of the Hanseatic League.
Building upon political arrangements of medieval feudalism, the Renaissance scholars built upon their conception of the ancient world to advance their view of the ideal government. The usage of the term res publica in classical texts should not be confused with current notions of republicanism. Despite its name Plato's The Republic (Πολιτεία) also has little to no connection to the latin res publica from which derives the more recent historical phenomenon of republicanism.
The republicanism developed in the Renaissance is known as classical republicanism because of its reliance on classical models. This terminology was developed by Zera Fink in the 1960s but some modern scholars such as Brugger consider the term confusing as it might lead some to believe that "classical republic" refers to the system of government used in the ancient world. "Early modern republicanism" has been advanced as an alternative term.
Also sometimes called civic humanism, this ideology grew out of the Renaissance writers who developed the idea of the republic. More than being simply a non-monarchy the early modern thinkers developed a vision of the ideal republic. It is these notions that form the basis of the ideology of republicanism. One important notion was that of a mixed government. Also central the notion of virtue and the pursuit of the common good being central to good government. Republicanism also developed its own distinct view of liberty, though what exactly that view is much disputed.
Those Renaissance authors that spoke highly of republics were rarely critical of monarchies. While Niccolo Machiavelli's Discourses on Livy is the period's key work on republics he also wrote The Prince on how to best run a monarchy. One cause of this was that the early modern writers did not see the republican model as one that could be applied universally, most felt that it could be successful only in very small and highly urbanized city-states. Jean Bodin in Six Books of the Commonwealth identified monarchy with republic.
In antiquity writers like Tacitus, and in the Renaissance writers like Machiavelli tried to avoid formulating an outspoken preference for one government system or another. Enlightenment philosophers, on the other hand, always had an outspoken opinion.
However, Thomas More, still before the Age of Enlightenment, must have been a bit too outspoken to the reigning king's taste, even when coding his political preferences in a Utopian tale.
In England a republicanism evolved that was not wholly opposed to monarchy, but rather thinkers such as Thomas More and Sir Thomas Smith saw a monarchy firmly constrained by law as compatible with republicanism.
[edit]Dutch Republic
Anti-monarchism became far more strident in the Dutch Republic during and after the Eighty Years' War, which began in 1568. This anti-monarchism was less political philosophy and more propagandizing with most of the anti-monarchist works appearing in the form of widely distributed pamphlets. Over time this evolved into a systematic critique of monarchies written by men such as Johan Uytenhage de Mist, Radboud Herman Scheel, Lieven de Beaufort and the brothers Johan and Peter de la Court. These writers saw all monarchies as illegitimate tyrannies that were inherently corrupt. Less an attack on their former overlords these works were more concerned with preventing the position of Stadholder from evolving into a monarchy. This Dutch republicanism also had an important influence on French Huguenots during the Wars of Religion. In the other states of early modern Europe republicanism was more moderate.
[edit]Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth
In the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth republicanism became an important ideology. After establishment of the Commonwealth of Two Nations republicans were those who supported the status quo of having a very weak monarch and opposed those who felt a stronger monarchy was needed. These mostly Polish republicans such as Łukasz Gornicki, Andrzej Wolan, and Stanisław Konarski were well read in classical and Renaissance texts and firmly believed that their state was a Republic on the Roman model and started to call their state the Rzeczpospolita. Unlike in the other countries, Polish-Lithuanian republicanism was not the ideology of the commercial class, but rather of the landed aristocracy, who would be the ones to lose power if the monarchy was expanded - what led to oligarchisation by great magnates.
[edit]Enlightenment republicanism
Main article: Classical republicanism
From the Enlightenment on it becomes increasingly difficult to distinguish between the descriptions and definitions of the "republic" concept on the one side, and the ideologies based on such descriptions on the other.
[edit]England
Oliver Cromwell set up a republic called the Commonwealth of England (1649-1660) and ruled as a near dictator after the overthrow of King Charles I. A leading philosopher of republicanism was James Harrington. The collapse of the Commonwealth of England in 1660 and the restoration of the monarchy under Charles II discredited republicanism among England's ruling circles. However they welcomed the liberalism and emphasis on rights of John Locke, which played a major role in the Glorious Revolution of 1688. Nevertheless republicanism flourished in the "country" party of the early 18th century. That party denounced the corruption of the "court" party, producing a political theory that heavily influenced the American colonists. In general the ruling classes of the 18th century vehemently opposed republicanism, as typified by the attacks on John Wilkes, and especially by the wars to overthrow the American Revolution and the French Revolution.[1]
[edit]French and Swiss thought
French and Swiss Enlightenment thinkers such as Montesquieu and later Rousseau expanded upon and altered the ideas of what an ideal republic would be: some of their new ideas were scarcely retraceable to antiquity or the Renaissance thinkers. Among other things they contributed and/or heavily elaborated notions like social contract, positive law, and mixed government. They also borrowed from and distinguished it from the ideas of liberalism that were developing at the same time. Since both liberalism and republicanism were united in their opposition to the absolute monarchies they were frequently conflated during this period. Modern scholars see them as two distinct streams that both contributed to the democratic ideals of the modern world. An important distinction is that while republicanism continued to stress the importance of civic virtue and the common good, liberalism was based on economics and individualism. It might be argued that while liberalism developed a view of liberty as pre-social and sees all institutions as limiting liberty, republicanism sees some institutions as necessary to create liberty. It is most vivid in the issue of private property which may be maintained only under protection of established positive law. On the other hand, liberalism is strongly committed to some institutions e.g. the Rule of Law.
[edit]Republican ideology in the United States
Main article: Republicanism in the United States
In recent years a debate has developed over its role in the American Revolution and in the British radicalism of the eighteenth century. For many decades the consensus was that liberalism, especially that of John Locke, was paramount and that republicanism had a distinctly secondary role.[2]
The new interpretations were pioneered by J.G.A. Pocock who argued in The Machiavellian Moment (1975) that at least in the early eighteenth century republican ideas were just as important as liberal ones. Pocock's view is now widely accepted.[3]. Bernard Bailyn and Gordon Wood pioneered the argument that the American Founding Fathers were more influenced by republicanism than they were by liberalism. Cornell University Professor Isaac Kramnick argues that Americans have always been highly individualistic and therefore Lockean.[4]
In the decades before the American Revolution (1776), the intellectual and political leaders of the colonies studied history intently, looking for guides or models for good (and bad) government. They especially followed the development of republican ideas in England.[5] Pocock explained the intellectual sources in America:[6]
"The Whig canon and the neo-Harringtonians, John Milton, James Harrington and Sidney, Trenchard, Gordon and Bolingbroke, together with the Greek, Roman, and Renaissance masters of the tradition as far as Montesquieu, formed the authoritative literature of this culture; and its values and concepts were those with which we have grown familiar: a civic and patriot ideal in which the personality was founded in property, perfected in citizenship but perpetually threatened by corruption; government figuring paradoxically as the principal source of corruption and operating through such means as patronage, faction, standing armies (opposed to the ideal of the militia), established churches (opposed to the Puritan and deist modes of American religion) and the promotion of a monied interest—though the formulation of this last concept was somewhat hindered by the keen desire for readily available paper credit common in colonies of settlement. A neoclassical politics provided both the ethos of the elites and the rhetoric of the upwardly mobile, and accounts for the singular cultural and intellectual homogeneity of the Founding Fathers and their generation."
The commitment of most Americans to these republican values made inevitable the American Revolution, for Britain was increasingly seen as corrupt and hostile to republicanism, and a threat to the established liberties the Americans enjoyed.[7]
Leopold von Ranke 1848 claims that American republicanism played a crucial role in the development of European liberalism, [quoted in Becker 2002, p. 128]:
By abandoning English constitutionalism and creating a new republic based on the rights of the individual, the North Americans introduced a new force in the world. Ideas spread most rapidly when they have found adequate concrete expression. Thus republicanism entered our Romanic/Germanic world.... Up to this point, the conviction had prevailed in Europe that monarchy best served the interests of the nation. Now the idea spread that the nation should govern itself. But only after a state had actually been formed on the basis of the theory of representation did the full significance of this idea become clear. All later revolutionary movements have this same goal…. This was the complete reversal of a principle. Until then, a king who ruled by the grace of God had been the center around which everything turned. Now the idea emerged that power should come from below.... These two principles are like two opposite poles, and it is the conflict between them that determines the course of the modern world. In Europe the conflict between them had not yet taken on concrete form; with the French Revolution it did.
[edit]Republicanisme
It has long been agreed that republicanism, especially that of Rousseau, played a central role in the French Revolution as turning point to modern republicanism. The French Revolution, which was to throw over the French monarchy in the 1790s, installed, at first, a republic; Napoleon turned it into an Empire with a new aristocracy. In the 1830s Belgium adopted some of the innovations of the progressive political philosophers of the Enlightenment too.
Republicanisme is a French version of modern Republicanism. It is a social contract concept, deduced from Jean-Jacques Rousseau's idea of a general will. Ideally, each citizen is engaged in a direct relationship with the state, obviating the need for group identity politics based on local, religious, or racial identification.
The ideal of republicanisme, in theory, renders anti-discrimination laws needless, but some critics argue that colour-blind laws serve to perpetuate ongoing discrimination.[8]
[edit]Modern republicanism
In the Enlightenment anti-monarchism stopped being coextensive with the civic humanism of the Renaissance. Classical republicanism, still supported by philosophers such as Rousseau and Montesquieu, was just one of a number of theories not opposed directly to monarchy, however putting some limitations to it. The new forms of anti-monarchism such as liberalism and later socialism quickly overtook classical republicanism as the leading republican ideologies. Republicanism also became far more widespread and monarchies began to be challenged throughout Europe.
[edit]Turkey
An important influence of republicanism was expressed when Turkey formed a new democratic state in 1923 after the fall of the Ottoman Empire. In the Ottoman Empire an inherited aristocracy and sultinate suppressed republican ideas until the successful republican revolution of Mustafa Kemal Ataturk in the 1920s. Ataturk preched six basic principles. His Six Arrows were Republicanism, Populism, Secularism, Reformism, Nationalism, and Statism).
In the 21st century Turkey has sought admission to the European Union on the grounds that it shares common political values with the nations of Europe. This concept shares some of the same classical roots as European republicanism and in modern times this form of government is called "republican" in English, but in pre-modern times it is not generally called republicanism.
[edit]United States
Main article: Republicanism in the United States
Republicanism became the dominant political value of Americans during and after the American Revolution. The "Founding Fathers" were strong advocates of republican values, especially Samuel Adams, Patrick Henry, George Washington, Thomas Paine, Benjamin Franklin, John Adams, Thomas Jefferson, James Madison and Alexander Hamilton.[9]
[edit]British Empire and Commonwealth of Nations
In some countries forming parts of the British Empire, and later the Commonwealth of Nations, republicanism has had very different significance in various countries at various times, depending on the context.
In South Africa, republicanism in the 1960s was identified with the staunch supporters of apartheid, who resented what they considered British interference in the way they treated the country's black majority population, despite the fact that the country was by that point an independent state with its own legally distinct monarchy.
In Australia, the debate between republicans and monarchists is still a controversial issue of political life.
[edit]Neo-republicanism
This new school of historical revisionism has accompanied a general revival of republican thinking. In recent years a great number of thinkers have argued that republican ideas should be adopted. This new thinking is sometimes referred to as neo-republicanism. Engeman referred to republicanism as "an intellectual buzzword" that has been applied to a wide range of theories and postulates that have little in common in order to give them a certain cachet.
The most important theorists in this movement are Philip Pettit and Cass Sunstein who have each written a number of works defining republicanism and how it differs from liberalism. While a late convert to republicanism from communitarianism, Michael Sandel is perhaps the most prominent advocate in the United States for replacing or supplementing liberalism with republicanism as outlined in his Democracy's Discontent: America in Search of a Public Philosophy. As of yet these theorists have had little impact on government. John W. Maynor, argues that Bill Clinton was interested in these notions and that he integrated some of them into his 1995 "new social compact" State of the Union Address.
This revival also has its critics. David Wootton, for instance, argues that throughout history the meanings of the term republicanism have been so diverse, and at times contradictory, that the term is all but meaningless and any attempt to build a cogent ideology based around it will fail.
[edit]Democracy


Thomas Paine
Republicanism is a system that replaces or accompanies inherited rule. The keys are a positive emphasis on liberty, and a negative rejection of corruption.[10] In the late 20th century there has been so much convergence between democracy and republicanism that confusion results. As a distinct political theory, republicanism originated in classical history and became important in early modern Europe, as typfied by Machiavelli. It became especially important as a cause of the American Revolution and the French Revolution in the 1770s and 1790s, respectively.[11] Republicans in these particular instances tended to reject inherited elites and aristocracies, but the question was open amongst them whether the republic, in order to restrain unchecked majority rule, should have an unelected upper chamber, the members perhaps appointed meritorious experts, or should have a constitutional monarch.[12]
Although conceptually separate from democracy, republicanism included the key principles of rule by the consent of the governed and sovereignty of the people. In effect republicanism meant that the kings and aristocracies were not the real rulers, but rather the people as a whole were. Exactly how the people were to rule was an issue of democracy – republicanism itself did not specify how.[13] In the United States, the solution was the creation of political parties that were popularly based on the votes of the people, and which controlled the government (see Republicanism in the United States). Many exponents of republicanism, such as Benjamin Franklin, Thomas Paine, and Thomas Jefferson were strong promoters of representative democracy. However, other supporters of republicanism, such as John Adams and Alexander Hamilton, were more distrustful of majority rule and sought a government with more power for elites. There were similar debates in many other democratizing nations.[14]
[edit]Democracy and republic
In contemporary usage, the term democracy refers to a government chosen by the people, whether it is direct or representative.[15] The term republic has many different meanings, but today often refers to a representative democracy with an elected head of state, such as a president, serving for a limited term, in contrast to states with a hereditary monarch as a head of state, even if these states also are representative democracies with an elected or appointed head of government such as a prime minister.[16]
The Founding Fathers of the United States rarely praised and often criticized democracy, which in their time tended to specifically mean direct democracy; James Madison argued, especially in The Federalist No. 10, that what distinguished a democracy from a republic was that the former became weaker as it got larger and suffered more violently from the effects of faction, whereas a republic could get stronger as it got larger and combats faction by its very structure. What was critical to American values, John Adams insisted,[17] was that the government be "bound by fixed laws, which the people have a voice in making, and a right to defend." Also, as Benjamin Franklin was exiting after writing the U.S. constitution, a woman asked him Sir, what have you given us?. He replied A republic ma'am, if you can keep it[18]
[edit]Constitutional monarchs and upper chambers
Initially, after the American and French revolutions, the question was open whether a democracy, in order to restrain unchecked majority rule, should have an upper chamber – the members perhaps appointed meritorious experts or having lifetime tenures – or should have a constitutional monarch with limited but real powers. Some countries (such as the United Kingdom, the Netherlands, Belgium, Luxembourg, the Scandinavian countries, and Japan) turned powerful monarchs into constitutional ones with limited or, often gradually, merely symbolic roles. Often the monarchy was abolished along with the aristocratic system, whether or not they were replaced with democratic institutions (such as in the US, France, China, Russia, Germany, Austria, Hungary, Italy, Greece and Egypt). In Australia, New Zealand, Canada, Papua New Guinea, and some other countries, the monarch is given supreme executive power, but by convention acts only on the advice of his or her ministers. Many nations had elite upper houses of legislatures, the members of which often had lifetime tenure, but eventually these houses lost power (as in Britain's House of Lords), or else became elective and remained powerful (as in the United States Senate).[19]
[edit]See also

This entry is related to, but not included in the Political ideologies series or one of its sub-series. Other related articles can be found at the Politics Portal.
Republican Party
Republican democracy
Democratic republic
Republicanism and religion
Kemalist ideology
Radicalism
Tacitean studies - differing interpretations whether Tacitus defended republicanism ("red Tacitists") or the contrary ("black Tacitists").
[edit]Specific countries
Republicanism in Australia
Republicanism in Canada
Republicanisme (Republicanism in France)
Irish republicanism
Republicanism in New Zealand
Republicanism in the United Kingdom
Republicanism in the United States
[edit]References

[edit]European versions
Bock, Gisela; Skinner, Quentin; and Viroli, Maurizio, ed. Machiavelli and Republicanism. Cambridge U. Press, 1990. 316 pp.
Peter Becker, Jurgen Heideking and James A. Henretta, eds. Republicanism and Liberalism in America and the German States, 1750-1850. Cambridge University Press. 2002.
Brugger, Bill. Republican Theory in Political Thought: Virtuous or Virtual? St. Martin's Press, 1999.
Castiglione, Dario. "Republicanism and its Legacy," European Journal of Political Theory (2005) v 4 #4 pp 453-65.online version
Trevor Colbourn, The Lamp of Experience: Whig History and the Intellectual Origins of the American Revolution (1965) online version
Fink, Zera. The Classical Republicans: An Essay in the Recovery of a Pattern of Thought in Seventeenth-Century England. Northwestern University Press, 1962.
Foote, Geoffrey. The Republican Transformation of Modern British Politics Palgrave Macmillan, 2006.
Martin van Gelderen & Quentin Skinner, eds., Republicanism: A Shared European Heritage, v 1: Republicanism and Constitutionalism in Early Modern Europe; vol 2: The Value of Republicanism in Early Modern Europe Cambridge U.P., 2002
Haakonssen, Knud. "Republicanism." A Companion to Contemporary Political Philosophy. Robert E. Goodin and Philip Pettit. eds. Blackwell, 1995.
Kramnick, Isaac. Republicanism and Bourgeois Radicalism: Political Ideology in Late Eighteenth-Century England and America. Cornell University Press, 1990.
Mark McKenna, The Traditions of Australian Republicanism (1996) online version
Maynor, John W. Republicanism in the Modern World. Cambridge: Polity, 2003.
Najemy, John M. "Baron's Machiavelli and Renaissance Republicanism." American Historical Review 1996 101(1): 119-129. ISSN 0002-8762 Fulltext in Jstor and Ebsco. Examines Hans Baron's ambivalent portrayal of Machiavelli. He argues that Baron tended to see Machiavelli simultaneously as the cynical debunker and the faithful heir of civic humanism. By the mid-1950s, Baron had come to consider civic humanism and Florentine republicanism as early chapters of a much longer history of European political liberty, a story in which Machiavelli and his generation played a crucial role. This conclusion led Baron to modify his earlier negative view of Machiavelli. He tried to bring the Florentine theorist under the umbrella of civic humanism by underscoring the radical differences between The Prince and the Discourses and thus revealing the fundamentally republican character of the Discourses. However, Baron's inability to come to terms with Machiavelli's harsh criticism of early 15th century commentators such as Leonardo Bruni ultimately prevented him from fully reconciling Machiavelli with civic humanism.
Philip Pettit, Republicanism: A Theory of Freedom and Government Oxford U.P., 1997, ISBN 0-19-829083-7
Pocock, J.G.A. The Machiavellian Moment: Florentine Political Thought and the Atlantic Republican Tradition (1975; new ed. 2003)
Pocock, J. G. A. "The Machiavellian Moment Revisited: a Study in History and Ideology.: Journal of Modern History 1981 53(1): 49-72. ISSN 0022-2801 Fulltext: in Jstor. Abstract: Traces the Machiavellian belief in and emphasis upon Greco-Roman ideals of unspecialized civic virtue and liberty from 15th century Florence through 17th century England and Scotland to 18th century America. Thinkers who shared these ideals tended to believe that the function of property was to maintain an individual's independence as a precondition of his virtue. Consequently, in the last two times and places mentioned above, they were disposed to attack the new commercial and financial regime that was beginning to develop
Robbins, Caroline. The Eighteenth-Century Commonwealthman: Studies in the Transmission, Development, and Circumstance of English Liberal Thought from the Restoration of Charles II until the War with the Thirteen Colonies (1959, 2004). table of contents online
[edit]American versions
Joyce Appleby, Liberalism and Republicanism in the Historical Imagination (1992)
Bailyn, Bernard. The Ideological Origins of the American Revolution. Harvard University Press, 1967.
Lance Banning. The Jeffersonian Persuasion: Evolution of a Party Ideology (1980)
Peter Becker, Jurgen Heideking and James A. Henretta, eds. Republicanism and Liberalism in America and the German States, 1750-1850. Cambridge University Press, 2002.
Linda K Kerber. Intellectual History of Women: Essays by Linda K. Kerber (1997)
Linda K Kerber. Women of the Republic: Intellect and Ideology in Revolutionary America (1997)
Milton Klein, et al., eds., The Republican Synthesis Revisited Essays in Honor of George A. Billias (1992).
James T Kloopenberg. The Virtues of Liberalism (1998)
Mary Beth Norton. Liberty's Daughters: The Revolutionary Experience of American Women, 1750-1800 (1996)
Jack Greene and J. R. Pole, eds. Companion to the American Revolution (2004); many articles look at republicanism, esp. Shalhope, Robert E. Republicanism" pp 668-673
Robert E. Shalhope, "Toward a Republican Synthesis: The Emergence of an Understanding of Republicanism in American Historiography," William and Mary Quarterly, 29 (Jan. 1972), 49-80 in JSTOR
Robert E. Shalhope, "Republicanism and Early American Historiography", William and Mary Quarterly, 39 (Apr. 1982), 334-356 in JSTOR
Wood, Gordon S. The Creation of the American Republic 1776-1787 (1969)
Wood, Gordon S. The Radicalism of the American Revolution (1993)
[edit]External links

Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy entry
Res Publica: an international anti-monarchy Web directory
Emergence of the Roman Republic:
Parallel Lives by Plutarch, particularly:
(From the translation in 4 volumes, available at Project Gutenberg:) Plutarch's Lives, Volume I (of 4)
More particularly following Lives and Comparisons (D is Dryden translation; G is Gutenberg; P is Perseus Project; L is LacusCurtius):
Greeks Romans Comparisons
Lycurgus G L Numa Pompilius D G L D G L
Solon D G L P Poplicola D G L D G L
^ Pocock (1975)
^ See for example, Vernon L. Parrington, Main Currents in American Thought (1927) online at [1]
^ Shalhope (1982)
^ Isaac Kramnick, Ideological Background," in Jack. P. Greene and J. R. Pole, The Blackwell Encyclopedia of the American Revolution (1994) ch 9; Robert E. Shallhope, "Republianism," ibid ch 70.
^ Trevor Colbourn, The Lamp of Experience: Whig History and the Intellectual Origins of the American Revolution (1965) online version
^ Pocock, The Machiavellian Moment p 507
^ Bailyn, Bernard. The Ideological Origins of the American Revolution (1967)
^ "France shows its true colors". International Herald Tribune. June 5, 2006. Retrieved on 2006-06-05.
^ Robert E. Shalhope, "Toward a Republican Synthesis," William and Mary Quarterly, 29 (Jan. 1972), pp 49-80
^ Republicanism (Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy)
^ Pocock (1975)
^ Gordon S. Wood, The Creation of the American Republic 1776-1787 (1969)
^ R. R. Palmer, The Age of the Democratic Revolution: Political History of Europe and America, 1760-1800 (1959)
^ Robert E. Shalhope, "Republicanism and Early American Historiography," William and Mary Quarterly, 39 (Apr. 1982), 334-356
^ democracy - Definition from the Merriam-Webster Online Dictionary
^ republic - Definition from the Merriam-Webster Online Dictionary
^ Novanglus, no. 7, 6 Mar. 1775
^ Republican Government: Introduction
^ Mark McKenna, The Traditions of Australian Republicanism (1996) online version; John W. Maynor, Republicanism in the Modern World. (2003).
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(轉貼)List of republics
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List of republics
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
List of republics is a list of countries or states governed as a republic.
For Antiquity (or later in the case of societies that did not refer to a Western terminology to qualify their form of government) the assessment of whether a state organisation is a republic is an analysis by retrospect, left to the discretion of historians and political theorists.
For more recent systems of government worldwide organisations with a broad political acceptance, like the United Nations, can provide information on whether or not a sovereign state is referred to as a republic.
Contents [hide]
1 List of Republics by Period
1.1 Antiquity
1.2 Middle Ages and Renaissance
1.3 Early Modern
1.4 19th Century
1.5 20th Century and Later
2 List of Republics by Type
2.1 Unitary republics
2.2 Federal republics
2.3 Confederal republics
2.4 Arab Republics
2.5 Islamic Republics
2.6 Democratic Republics
2.7 Socialist Republics
2.8 People's Republics
3 References
[edit]List of Republics by Period

[edit]Antiquity
Doric Greek city-states of Crete[citation needed]
Carthage (c. 8th century BC- 146 BC)[citation needed]
Athens under the separate reforms of Solon and Cleisthenes.[citation needed]
Various Greek City-States under Athenian Influence: These loyalties and governments changed frequently, and in some instances were even under the influence of Sparta without succumbing to the adoption of the Oligarchy system
Licchavi Republic (c. 600 BC - 400 AD)[citation needed]
Roman Republic (c. 509 – 27 BC) and many other Italian cities.[citation needed]
Vaishali Republic (c. 600 BC - 400 AD)[citation needed]
Hastinapur - and some states of Ancient India
[edit]Middle Ages and Renaissance
San Marino (301 – present)[citation needed]
Amalfi (839 – 1131)[citation needed]
Venice (c. 9th century - 1797)[citation needed]
Iceland (930 – 1262)[citation needed]
Pisa (11th century – 1406, 1494 – 1509)[citation needed]
Genoa (c. 1100 - 1797)[citation needed]
Florence (1115 - 1537)[citation needed]
Novgorod Republic (1136 – 1478)[1]
Lucca (1160 – 1805)
Siena (1167 – 1557)[citation needed]
Old Swiss Confederacy (1291 - 1798)
Ragusa (14th century – 1808)[citation needed]
Pskov Republic (1348 - 1510)
Cospaia (1440 - 1826)
Ambrosian Republic (1447 - 1450)
Netherlands (1581 – 1795)
[edit]Early Modern
Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth (1569 - 1795)
Goust (1648 - )
Commonwealth of England (1649 - 1660)[citation needed]
Corsican Republic (1755 - 1769)[2]
United States of America (1776 - Present)
Vermont Republic (1777 - 1791)[3]
First French Republic (1792 - 1804)
Helvetic Republic (1798 - 1802)
State of Muskogee (1799 - 1803)
[edit]19th Century
Swiss Confederation (1803 - 1815)
Confederation of the Rhine (1806 - 1813)
Haiti (1806 - 1849; restored 1859)[citation needed]
Duchy of Warsaw (1807 - 1813)
Free City of Danzig (1807 - 1814)
West Florida (1810)
Paraguay (1811 - present)
Free City of Krakow (1815 - 1846)
Argentina (1816 - present)
Chile (1818 - present)
Colombia (1819 - present)
Federal Republic of Central America (1823 - 1840)
Mexico (1824 - present)
Peru (1824 - present)
Bolivia (1825 - present)
Uruguay (1828 - present)
Venezuela (1830 - present)
Ecuador (1830 - present)
Republic of Texas (1836 - 1845)
Second French Republic (1848 - 1852)
California Republic (1846)
Menton and Roquebrune (1848 - 1861)
Republic of Ezo (1868-1869)
Third French Republic (1871-1940)
[Independent Republic of Motril (1873)[4]
Tavolara (1886 - 1899)[5][6][7]
Franceville (1889)[8]
Republic of Hawaii (1894 - 1898)
Republic of Formosa (1895)
First Philippine Republic (1898-1901/1907)- not considered as pure ,sovereign republic at that time, historians believed that Philippines was the "First Malayan Republic" even though it was not recognized, semi-sovereigned state.
Greater Republic of Central America (1896 - 1898)
Republic of Acre (1st: 1899 - 1900; 2nd: 1900; 3rd: 1903)
Republic of Yucatan (1840 - 1843; 1848 )
First Spanish Republic (1873–1874)
[edit]20th Century and Later
Panama (est. 1903)
Second Spanish Republic (De Iure: 1931–1939) (De Facto: 1931-1975)
Albania (est. 1946)[citation needed]
Ireland (est. 1949)[citation needed]
Algeria (est. 1962)[citation needed]
Singapore (since 1965)
Afghanistan (est. 1973)[citation needed]
Nepal (est. 2008)
Zimbabwe (date to be openly edited)
[edit]List of Republics by Type

In modern usage, a republican form of government is applied loosely to any state which claims this designation. [9] So for example the Dominican Republic under Rafael Trujillo is considered a republic, as is the Republic of Iraq under Saddam Hussein and the The Union of Soviet Socialist Republics under Joseph Stalin. The Kingdom of Sweden (which in 2006 ranked highest in the Economist's index of democracy) [10] is not a republic, but the Democratic People's Republic of North Korea (which ranks lowest in the same survey) is.
[edit]Unitary republics
Unitary republics are unitary states which are governed constitutionally as one single unit, with a single constitutionally created legislature.
Acre (1st: 1899-1900; 2nd: 1900; 3rd: 1903)
Afghanistan (republic since 1973)[citation needed]
Albania (since 1946)[citation needed]
Algeria[citation needed]
Republic of Armenia (1st: May 28, 1918; 2nd: December 25, 1991)
Bangladesh[citation needed]
Benin[citation needed]
Bolivia[citation needed]
Botswana[citation needed]
Bulgaria (since 1946)[citation needed]
Burkina Faso[citation needed]
Burundi (since 1966)[citation needed]
Cameroon (unitary republic 1960-1961 and 1972-present; federal republic 1961-1972)[citation needed]
Cape Verde[citation needed]
Central African Republic (1958-1976; restored 1979)[citation needed]
Chad[citation needed]
Chile[citation needed]
People's Republic of China[citation needed]
Colombia (unitary republic since 1886)[citation needed]
Congo (Brazzaville)[citation needed]
Congo (Kinshasa)[citation needed]
Corsica (1755-1769)[11]
Cospaia (1440-1826)
Costa Rica[citation needed]
Cote d'Ivoire[citation needed]
Croatia[citation needed]
Cuba[citation needed]
Cyprus[citation needed]
Czech Republic[citation needed]
Djibouti[citation needed]
Dominica[citation needed]
Dominican Republic (1801-1861, 1844-present)[citation needed]
East Timor[citation needed]
Ecuador[citation needed]
Egypt (since 1953)[citation needed]
El Salvador (1821-present)[citation needed]
Equatorial Guinea[citation needed]
Eritrea[citation needed]
Estonia (1918-present)[citation needed]
Ezo (1868-1869)
Fiji Islands (since 1987)[citation needed]
Finland[citation needed]
Formosa (1895)
Franceville (1889)[12]
French Republic (1st: 1792-1804; 2nd: 1848-1852; 3rd: 1870-1940; 4th: 1945-1958 and 5th, since 1958)[citation needed]
Gabon[citation needed]
Gambia (since 1970)[citation needed]
Georgia[citation needed]
Ghana (since 1960)[citation needed]
Goust (since 1648)
Greece (1st: 1822–1832; 2nd: 1924-1935; 3rd: since 1974)[citation needed]
Guatemala[citation needed]
Guinea[citation needed]
Guinea-Bissau[citation needed]
Guyana (since 1970) is a "Co-operative Republic"[citation needed]
Haiti (1806-1849; restored 1859)[citation needed]
Republic of Hawaii (1894-1898)
Honduras[citation needed]
Hungary (since 1946)[citation needed]
Iceland (republic since 1944)[citation needed]
Indonesia (Unitary republic since August 1950)[citation needed]
Iran (since 1979)[citation needed]
Iraq (since 1958)[citation needed]
Ireland (republic since 1949)[citation needed]
Israel (since 1948) [13]
Italian Social Republic (1943 - 1945)[citation needed]
Italy (since 1946)[citation needed]
Kazakhstan[citation needed]
Kenya (since 1964)[citation needed]
Kiribati[citation needed]
Kyrgyzstan[citation needed]
Laos (since 1975)[citation needed]
Latvia[citation needed]
Lebanon(22 November 1943)[citation needed]
Liberia[citation needed]
Libya (since 1969)[citation needed]
Lithuania[citation needed]
Lokot Republic (1941-1943)[citation needed]
Republic of Macedonia (1991-)[citation needed]
Madagascar[citation needed]
Malawi (since 1966)[citation needed]
Maldives (since 1968)[citation needed]
Mali (since 1960)[citation needed]
Malta (since 1974)[citation needed]
Marshall Islands[citation needed]
Mauritania[citation needed]
Mauritius (since 1992)[citation needed]
Menton and Roquebrune (1848-1861)
Moldova[citation needed]
Mongolia (since 1924)[citation needed]
Montenegro (since 1944)[citation needed]
Mozambique[citation needed]
Muskogee (1799-1803)
Namibia[citation needed]
Nauru[citation needed]
Nicaragua[citation needed]
Niger[citation needed]
North Korea (since 1948)[citation needed]
Pakistan (since 1956)[citation needed]
Palau[citation needed]
Panama[citation needed]
Paraguay[citation needed]
Peru[citation needed]
Philippines (Thrice, two overlapping: First Philippine Republic (1898-1901), Philippine Commonwealth to the Fifth Republic of the Philippines (1934-present), Second Philippine Republic (1943-1945))[14][15][16]
Poland[citation needed]
Portugal (since 1910)[citation needed]
Rhodesia (1970-1979)[citation needed]
Romania (since 1947)[citation needed]
Rwanda (since 1961)[citation needed]
Samoa (since 2007)[citation needed]
San Marino (since 301) qualifies itself as the "Most Serene Republic"[citation needed]
Sao Tome and Principe[citation needed]
Senegal[citation needed]
Serbia (since 1944)[citation needed]
Seychelles[citation needed]
Sierra Leone (since 1971)[citation needed]
Singapore (since 1965)[citation needed]
Slovak Republic (1939–1945)[citation needed]
Slovakia[citation needed]
Slovenia[citation needed]
Somalia[citation needed]
South Africa (since 1961)[citation needed]
South Korea (since 1948)[citation needed]
Spain (Twice: First Spanish Republic (1873–1874), Second Spanish Republic (1931-1939))[citation needed]
Sri Lanka (since 1972)[citation needed]
Sudan[citation needed]
Suriname[citation needed]
Syria[citation needed]
Republic of China (Taiwan)[citation needed]
Tajikistan[citation needed]
Tanzania[citation needed]
Tavolara (1886-1899)[17][18][19]
Texas (1836-1845) [20]
Togo[citation needed]
Trinidad and Tobago (since 1976)[citation needed]
Tunisia (since 1957)[citation needed]
Turkey (republic since 1923)[citation needed] (Is found in Article 1 of their Constitution)
Turkmenistan[citation needed]
Uganda (since 1963)[citation needed]
Ukraine[citation needed]
Uruguay is the "Eastern Republic".[citation needed]
Uzbekistan[citation needed]
Vanuatu[citation needed]
Vermont Republic (1777 - 1791)[21]
Vietnam[citation needed]
West Florida (1810)
Yemen[citation needed]
Zambia[citation needed]
Zimbabwe[citation needed]
[edit]Federal republics
Federal republics are federal states in which the administrative divisions (states or provinces) theoretically retain a degree of autonomy which is constitutionally protected, and cannot be revoked unilaterally by the national government.
Argentina (since 1852)[citation needed]
Austria[citation needed]
Brazil (since November 15th, 1889)[22]
Bosnia and Herzegovina (since 1995)[citation needed]
Federal Republic of Cameroon (1961-1972)[citation needed]
Commonwealth of England (1649-1653)[citation needed]
Czechoslovakia (1969-1992)[citation needed]
Ethiopia (unitary republic 1974-1994; federal republic since 1994)[citation needed]
Germany (since 1918)[citation needed]
Republic of Colombia (1819-1886), known as Great Colombia from 1819 to 1831, when it included present-day Ecuador, Venezuela, and Panama.[citation needed]
India (since January 26, 1950)[citation needed]
United States of Indonesia (1949-1950)[citation needed]
Mexico[23] (since 1917)[citation needed]
Nepal (since December 28, 2007)[24]
Nigeria (1963-66:1st Republic, 1979-83: 2nd Republic, 1993: 3rd Republic, 1999-present: 4th Republic)[citation needed]
Pakistan (since March 23, 1956); Declaration of the Islamic Republic[citation needed]
Russian Federation (1917, as RSFSR-present)[citation needed]
Soviet Union (1922-1991))[citation needed]
Swiss Confederation (since 1848)[citation needed]
Union of Myanmar[citation needed]
United Provinces of Central America (1823-1840)[citation needed]
United States of America[25] (since 1789)
Venezuela<
Yugoslavia (1945-2003)[citation needed]
[edit]Confederal republics
Confederal republics are associations of sovereign states, usually having power over critical common issues such as defence and foreign affairs:
Confederate States of America (1861 - 1865)[citation needed]
Serbia and Montenegro (2003 – 2006)[citation needed]
Switzerland (circa 1291 - 1848, except for the Helvetic Republic phase, 1798 - 1803)[citation needed]
United States (under the Articles of Confederation, 1776 – 1789)[citation needed]
United Pakistan (Old Pakistan) (Unofficial) (1962 - 1970)[citation needed]
[edit]Arab Republics
Egypt[citation needed]
Syria is the "Arab Republic" reflecting its theoretically pan-Arab Ba'athist government.[citation needed]
Yemen[citation needed]
[edit]Islamic Republics
Republics governed in accordance with Islamic law:
Afghanistan[citation needed]
Islamic Republic of Pakistan (since 1970)[citation needed]
Islamic Republic of Iran (since Iranian Revolution)[citation needed]
Islamic Republic of Mauritania[citation needed]
[edit]Democratic Republics
These are republics that use the word "democratic" in their official name. Their actual political systems can vary considerably.
People's Democratic Republic of Algeria (1962 - present)
Democratic Republic of Congo (1966 - 1971, 1997 - present)
Democratic Republic of Timor-Leste (1975 - present)
Federal Democratic Republic of Ethiopia (1991 - present)
German Democratic Republic (1949-1990)
Lao People's Democratic Republic (1975 - present)
Democratic People's Republic of Korea (1948 - present)
Democratic Republic of Sao Tome and Principe (1975 - present)
Democratic Socialist Republic of Sri Lanka (1978 - present)
[edit]Socialist Republics
These are republics that use the word "socialist" in their official name.
Albania (1976-1990)
Libya[citation needed]
Sri Lanka[citation needed]
Vietnam[citation needed]
Romania (1965-1989)[citation needed]
India[citation needed]
Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia (1945–1992)[citation needed]
Union of Soviet Socialist Republics (1922–1991)[citation needed]
[edit]People's Republics
Meant to be governed by the people, this name is most often (but not always) used by communist states.
People's Democratic Republic of Algeria[26]
Bangladesh[27]
People's Republic of China[28]
Laos[29]
North Korea[30]
Libya[citation needed]
Former People's Republics:
Hungary (1949–1989)[citation needed]
Mongolia (1924–1992)[citation needed]
Albania (1946–1976)[citation needed]
Bulgaria (1946–1990)[citation needed]
Romania (1947–1965)[citation needed]
Poland (1952–1989)[citation needed]
South Yemen (1967–1970)[citation needed]
Benin (1975–1990)[citation needed]
Congo (1970–1992)[citation needed]
Mozambique (1975–1990)[citation needed]
Angola (1975–1992)[citation needed]
Ethiopia (1987–1991)[citation needed]
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