Reconsidering the Past, One Statue at a Time
推倒雕像 美國重新檢視歷史
By Sarah Mervosh, Simon Romero and Lucy Tompkins

The boiling anger that exploded in the days after George Floyd gasped his final breaths is now fueling a national movement to topple perceived symbols of racism and oppression in the United States, as protests over police brutality against African Americans expand to include demands for a more honest accounting of all American history.
在喬治．佛洛伊德掙扎嚥下人生最後幾口氣之後，美國民眾的怒火四處爆發，如今正激起全國性運動，要推翻美國境內具有種族歧視和壓迫意涵的象徵。反對警察對非裔美國人施暴的抗議已擴大其訴求，要求對美國全部歷史做更誠實的敘述。

In Portland, Oregon, demonstrators protesting against police killings turned their ire to Thomas Jefferson, toppling a statue of the Founding Father who also enslaved more than 600 people.
在奧勒岡州的波特蘭，抗議警察殺人的示威者將憤怒轉向湯瑪斯．傑佛遜，推倒這位曾蓄養600多名奴隸的開國之父的雕像。

In Richmond, Virginia, a statue of Italian navigator and colonizer Christopher Columbus was spray-painted, set on fire and thrown into a lake.
在維吉尼亞州的里奇蒙，義大利探險家兼殖民者克里斯多福．哥倫布的雕像被噴漆、縱火且推入湖中。

And in Albuquerque, New Mexico, tensions over a statue of Juan de Oñate, a 16th-century colonial governor exiled from New Mexico over cruel treatment of Native Americans, erupted in street skirmishes and a blast of gunfire before the monument was removed.
在新墨西哥州的阿布奎基，胡安．德．奧納特的雕像引發緊張，這位16世紀的殖民地州長因殘酷對待美國原住民，自新墨西哥流亡。在雕像被移除之前，曾發生街頭小規模衝突和一波槍火。

Across the country, monuments criticized as symbols of historical oppression have been defaced and brought down at warp speed in recent days. The movement initially set its sights on Confederate symbols and examples of racism against African Americans but has since exploded into a broader cultural moment, forcing a reckoning over such issues as European colonization and the oppression of Native Americans.
在全國各地，這些被批評為歷史上壓迫象徵的紀念物，近日以極快的速度被毀損及拆下。這波運動起初聚焦於南方邦聯象徵和歧視非裔美國人的典型事例，但之後爆發為更廣泛的文化事件，促成對歐洲人殖民和壓迫美國原住民等等議題的清算。

In New Mexico, it has surfaced generations-old tensions among indigenous, Hispanic and Anglo residents and brought 400 years of turbulent history bubbling to the surface.
在新墨西哥，原住民、西語裔和盎格魯白人居民間，數個世代之久的緊張關係因而浮上檯面，400年來紛亂不安的歷史也沸騰起來。

“We’re at this inflection point,” said Keegan King, a member of Acoma Pueblo, which endured a massacre of 800 or more people directed by Oñate, the brutal Spanish conquistador. The Black Lives Matter movement, he said, had encouraged people to examine the history around them, and not all of it was merely written in books.
「我們正處於這個轉折點上。」阿科馬普韋布羅成員吉干．金恩說，這個部落曾經歷由殘暴西班牙征服者奧納特主導的一場屠殺，有800多人死亡。他說，「黑人的命也是命」運動鼓勵民眾檢視他們周遭的歷史，而並非所有事都只寫在書裡。

“These pieces of systemic racism took the form of monuments and statues and parks,” King said.
「這些系統性種族歧視的片段，以紀念物、雕像和公園的形式存在。」金恩說。

The debate over how to represent the uncomfortable parts of American history has been going on for decades, but the traction for knocking down monuments seen in recent days raises new questions about whether it will result in a fundamental shift in how history is taught to new generations.
關於該如何呈現美國歷史上這些令人不舒服的部分，已爭論數十年，但是近日所見拆毀雕像大行其道，卻引發了新的問題：就如何將歷史教授給新世代而言，這是否會導致根本性的改變。

“It is a turning point insofar as there are a lot of people now who are invested in telling the story that historians have been laying down for decades,” said Julian Maxwell Hayter, a historian and associate professor at the University of Richmond.
「這是個轉捩點，因為有許多人現在投注心力於訴說被歷史學家擱置幾十年的故事。」歷史學家、里奇蒙大學副教授朱利安．麥斯威爾．海特說。

He said that statues removed from parks and street corners could be teaching points if they are placed in museums, side-by-side with documents and first-person accounts from the era.
他說，從公園和街角移除的雕像可以成為授課重點，如果它們改放到博物館，和那個時代的文件及第一手陳述並列。

原文參照：
https://www.nytimes.com/2020/06/16/us/protests-statues-reckoning.html  

2020-06-28．聯合報．D4．紐約時報賞析．莊蕙嘉譯 核稿/樂慧生

說文解字看新聞 莊蕙嘉

美國非裔男子佛洛伊德被白人警察壓頸致死引爆示威潮，美國數十年來未解的種族爭議再度浮上檯面。racism可譯為種族主義或種族歧視，字義本身包含因種族不同形成的差異，意同racial discrimination。

種族是敏感話題，用字必須謹慎，通常會用African描述黑人，例如佛洛伊德案中，新聞皆用African American描述其族裔。black則用於和白人對比的情況，例如Black Lives Matter運動。negro或nigger有「黑鬼、老黑」的嚴重歧視意味，切勿使用。

常見的歧視華人字眼有chino（老中）、chinito（中國佬）等，刻板印象濃厚。2012年2月，ESPN報導NBA台裔球員林書豪時，編輯下了「Chink in the Armor」的標題，原意是「盔甲的裂縫」，用來比喻他賽中的弱點，卻因chink一字也有「中國人」之意，源自華人普遍細長的眼睛，有種族歧視之嫌，引發軒然大波，那位編輯因此丟了飯碗。

如果要在文章或談話中提到族裔，通常會使用以地域區別的較中立且泛稱性質的用字，例如African、Asian、Anglo（北美白人）、Caucasian（歐洲白人），宜乎避免white、black、yellow等涉及膚色的字眼。

Trump’s Lessons From Nixon Missed One Important Thing
以尼克森為鑑川普畫錯重點
By Sarah Lyall and Jeremy W. Peters

“I learned a lot from Richard Nixon,” President Donald Trump declared recently, speaking of the only U.S. president ever to resign in disgrace. “I study history.”
美國總統川普不久前談到立國以來唯一一個不光彩辭職的總統時說：「我從尼克森那兒學到很多。我研究歷史。」

It was a bold assertion from Trump, not least because he and Nixon share the dubious distinction of facing impeachment after being accused of abusing the power of the presidency. But if the president has indeed studied the Nixon years – a period characterized by widespread social unrest that has parallels in the turbulence of today – it is not clear, historians say, whether he understands what lessons to draw from them.
這是川普一個大膽的宣示，特別是他跟尼克森都在被控濫用總統職權後，不光彩的面臨彈劾，但歷史學家說，若總統真的研究了尼克森時代，他是否知道要從其中吸取哪些教訓則尚不清楚。該時期以廣泛的社會動盪為特徵，跟當前的動盪有相似之處。

Trump’s walkabout outside the White House earlier this month as demonstrations swirled around him invited a direct comparison with Nixon – because Nixon made a similar trip. It was May 9, 1970, and it felt like the country was on fire. Violence was erupting on college campuses over the bombing of Cambodia. Tens of thousands of people were gathering on the National Mall to protest the war in Vietnam and the killing of four students by the Ohio National Guard at Kent State University. The White House was fortified with extra troops.
本月稍早，川普在示威活動圍繞他之際出巡到白宮外頭，這讓人們把他跟尼克森進行了直接的比較，因為尼克森也有過類似行程。那是在1970年5月9日，當時彷彿舉國沸騰。轟炸柬埔寨引起大學校園暴力衝突。數以萬計的人聚集在國家廣場上抗議越戰，以及俄亥俄州國民兵在肯特州立大學殺害四名學生。白宮增派了軍隊加強防禦。

Wracked by doubt and self-flagellation, unable to sleep, Nixon slipped out of the building just after 4:35 a.m. with a handful of aides and Secret Service agents and traveled to the Lincoln Memorial. There, he tried to explain his Vietnam policy to a group of student demonstrators.
受到懷疑和自我鞭策折磨而無法入睡的尼克森，凌晨4點35分一過，便帶著幾名幕僚與特勤局幹員溜出白宮，前往林肯紀念堂。在那裡，他試圖向一群示威學生解釋他的越南政策。

“I know probably most of you think I’m an SOB,” he told them. “But I want you to know that I understand just how you feel.”
他告訴他們說：「我知道你們大多數人可能認為我是個混蛋。但我想讓你們知道，我理解你們的感受。」

At times, Trump seems to be borrowing from a playbook that is a half-century old, without seeing how profoundly the country has changed.
有時候，川普似乎在借用長達半世紀之久的劇本，卻沒看到這個國家已經有多麼大的改變。

He is betting on the resonance of a message that served Republicans well for decades, when dog whistles about crime and lawlessness were effective at stoking the anxieties of white suburban voters. But that messaging may be less effective at a time of growing awareness of racial injustice, especially among educated suburban voters who lean Republican but are put off by Trump’s tendency to foment division and inflame racial tension.
他押寶的是一個數十年來對共和黨人很有效的訊息共鳴，當時吹起有關犯罪與違法行為的狗哨，就能有效激起郊區白人選民的焦慮，然而在人們對於種族不平等的意識日益增強之際，這種訊息恐怕不再那樣有效，尤其是對受過教育的郊區選民而言，這些人傾向於支持共和黨，但對川普煽動分裂與加劇種族緊張的傾向感到厭惡。

One clear way to see what Trump has in fact not learned from Nixon is to look closely at those two encounters 50 years apart.
要看到川普事實上並未從尼克森那學到教訓，一個明確方法就是仔細看看相隔50年的兩趟遭遇。

Trump’s photo op began with Nixon on his mind. Just before he marched across Lafayette Square, his path cleared by law enforcement who violently dispersed peaceful protesters, he declared himself “your president of law and order.” It was a conspicuous appropriation of the catchphrase that Nixon deployed to sell himself as the candidate for Americans weary of the tumult of the 1960s.
川普安排讓媒體拍照的活動，腦海中想到的是尼克森。在他穿越拉法葉廣場前，執法人員暴力驅散和平示威者來幫他清出一條路。他宣稱自己是「法律與秩序的總統」。這明顯挪用尼克森曾用來宣傳自己的口號，自稱是代表對1960年代的動蕩感到厭倦的美國人的候選人。

But there are plenty of reasons that messaging might be a harder sell today.
不過，有很多原因使得這種訊息今日比較難被接受。

“The world has moved on,” said Rick Perlstein, author of the book “Nixonland.”
《尼克森國》一書作者瑞克‧皮爾斯坦說：「世界已經向前走了。」

原文參照：
https://www.nytimes.com/2020/06/13/us/politics/trump-lessons-nixon.htmlo

2020-06-28．聯合報．D4．紐約時報賞析．陳韋廷譯 核稿/樂慧生