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孔雀開屏之中國展示全球魅力 -- David Pierson
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瀏覽642 ｜回應6｜推薦0 |
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編者註：
本文原發表於2025/09/01；但因當時處理版面不當，導致閱讀困擾；不得不將此文刪除。由於此文為開欄文，刪除後無法進行「回應」動作；又不得不刪除整欄。故本文和以下三篇文章為重登；造成不便，還請原諒。2025/11/15後的貼文為新刊(從第5篇開始)。
請參考：China’s Military Spectacle (全照片；09/05/25補增)
請參閱此文(該欄2024/12/31)、此文(該欄2024/12/31)、此欄和此欄的各篇報導/分析。
Xi Uses Summit, Parade and History to Flaunt China’s Global Pull
With the leaders of Russia and India visiting, China’s president will show how he can use statecraft, military might and history to push for global influence.
David Pierson/Mujib Mashal/Nataliya Vasilyeva, 08/31/25
Xi Jinping could hardly have scripted a more favorable moment. This weekend, the leaders of India and Russia joined him at a security summit in China — one leader pushed away by President Trump’s tariffs, the other brought out of isolation by his embrace.
For Prime Minister Narendra Modi of India, U.S. tariffs on Indian goods have raised doubts about leaning too heavily on Washington. For President Vladimir V. Putin of Russia, his red-carpet treatment in Alaska by Mr. Trump blunted Western efforts to punish him for the invasion of Ukraine.
At the center is Mr. Xi, turning America’s alienation of India into an opportunity, and finding validation for his own long alignment with Mr. Putin.
The summit of more than 20 leaders, mostly from Central Asia, followed by a military parade in Beijing showcasing China’s newest missiles and warplanes, is not just pageantry. It shows how Mr. Xi is trying to turn history, diplomacy and military might into tools for reshaping a global order that has been dominated by the United States.
“The success of Xi’s foreign policy strategy is reflected in the parade of leaders traveling to China,” said Jonathan Czin, a fellow at the Brookings Institution who previously worked at the C.I.A. analyzing Chinese politics. “Indeed, Xi today probably feels more besieged by visiting heads of state than encircled by the United States and its allies and partners.”
Mr. Xi, Mr. Putin and Mr. Modi are attending the summit of the Shanghai Cooperation Organization, a Eurasian security group led by China and Russia, in the eastern city of Tianjin on Sunday and Monday.
On Wednesday, Mr. Xi will preside over a military parade in Beijing commemorating the 80th anniversary of the end of World War II — portraying the conflict as a triumph led by the Communist Party. (Many historians, however, believe it was the Chinese Nationalists who did most of the fighting.)
In speeches, Mr. Xi has sought to recast World War II as a struggle in which China and the Soviet Union were the decisive theaters of battle. That argument, which Mr. Putin has echoed, tries to shift claims of victory away from the West and toward China and Russia, not least because of the tens of millions of people in those countries who died. Chinese officials have also asserted that the Western allies have ignored agreements negotiated during and after the war that would have buttressed China’s territorial claim to Taiwan.
That backdrop explains the importance of military parades to Beijing and Moscow.
“Beyond martial splendor and visual reminders of these nations’ contributions to the war effort, the parades are part of an ongoing ‘memory war,’” scholars at the Brookings Institution wrote recently. “China and Russia are offering a preferred alternative history to the Western narrative of the Allied victory.”
Until recently, Beijing’s closeness to Moscow had drawn pressure from Washington. But that tension appears to have eased in part because of a warming of ties between the United States and Russia. President Trump himself lavished praise on Mr. Putin in Alaska this month and later echoed the Kremlin’s position that Ukraine needed to cede land to bring an end to the war.
Mr. Xi now appears vindicated for standing by Mr. Putin, and analysts say the leaders will use the summit in Tianjin to promote a vision of a world less dominated by the United States.
Mr. Xi can also thank the Trump administration for accelerating an easing of tensions between China and India, which had seen their relations crater in 2020 after a series of bloody border skirmishes. New Delhi has been frustrated by the doubling of U.S. tariffs on Indian goods to a whopping 50 percent, leading to calls for a rebalancing toward China.
Mr. Modi, who had previously drawn closer to the United States during the Biden administration to counter Beijing, is visiting China for the first time in seven years by attending the summit. (He will not be present at the military parade, though, unlike Mr. Putin and the North Korean dictator, Kim Jong-un.)
In a meeting with Mr. Modi on Sunday, Mr. Xi said that China and India should be “partners rather than rivals,” and that they should offer “opportunities for each other’s development rather than threats,” in what could be read as a subtle jab at Mr. Trump. Mr. Xi also reiterated Beijing’s stance that disputes over the shared border should not define bilateral relations.
“Being good neighbors and friends, partners who achieve mutual success, and realizing the ‘dance of the dragon and the elephant’ should be the right choice for both China and India,” Mr. Xi said, according to Chinese state media, evoking the two nations’ symbolic creatures.
Mr. Modi echoed Mr. Xi, saying that the two countries should not be “rivals” and that “peace and tranquillity” in the border areas was important for bilateral relations, according to a readout from India’s Ministry of External Affairs.
The convergence of Mr. Putin and Mr. Modi in China, as well as leaders from dozens of other emerging economies, including Turkey, Egypt, Malaysia and Pakistan, contrasts with the growing discord within the U.S. alliance with European and Asian countries.
Some of those cracks were on display this month when European leaders, shut out of peace talks, felt the need to rush to Washington to persuade Mr. Trump not to cave to Russian demands over peace terms in Ukraine. Mr. Trump also ruffled feathers with an ally again this past week when he heaped praise on Mr. Kim during a meeting in the Oval Office with President Lee Jae Myung of South Korea.
Many U.S. allies in Europe and Asia view China as a formidable threat to fair trade, democracy and regional stability. The last of those concerns will be underscored by the military parade that is expected to feature new anti-ship missiles which could be deployed in a war over Taiwan.
Yet analysts say those concerns risk being overshadowed by Mr. Trump’s disruption of decades of American foreign policy.
“Despite their apprehensions over China’s conduct, some of those countries increasingly regard the United States as a greater, if not the principal, destabilizing force in the international order,” said Ali Wyne, an expert on U.S.-China relations at the International Crisis Group.
China has tried to use Washington’s disorder to persuade countries like India to reassess their relationship with the United States. At the same time, Beijing fears Washington will pressure other countries to restrict trade with China at a time when the Chinese economy has been badly weakened by a property slump and price wars.
“Give the bully an inch, he will take a mile,” Xu Feihong, the Chinese ambassador to India, wrote on X about U.S. tariffs.
At a recent seminar in New Delhi, Mr. Xu said India and China had a responsibility to take a bigger role in global leadership to push back against U.S. “hegemony and power politics.” He called the neighbors the “double engines” of economic growth in Asia, using a phrase that Mr. Modi often uses in domestic politics.
Russia, a country firmly in Beijing’s camp, needs less persuasion. Moscow has been using groups like the Shanghai Cooperation Organization to deepen ties with China, India and other countries that have become increasingly important to its sanctions-hit economy since Russian troops invaded Ukraine in 2022.
Russian oil is certain to come up in the conversations between Mr. Putin, Mr. Xi and Mr. Modi. The Trump administration’s tariffs on India for buying Russian crude has allowed China to become an even larger buyer than it was before without facing similar consequences as India, analysts’ reports show.
More than anything, the summit and parade will allow Mr. Putin and Mr. Xi to reaffirm their close relationship, a partnership that the West has tried and largely failed to break.
China’s relations with Russia will most likely continue to be “excellent,” said Zhou Bo, a retired senior colonel in the People’s Liberation Army of China now at Tsinghua University in Beijing. Attempts by the West to drive a wedge, he added, were nothing but “wishful thinking.”
David Pierson reported from Tianjin, China, Mujib Mashal from New Delhi and Nataliya Vasilyeva from Istanbul.
Berry Wang contributed reporting from Hong Kong, and Hari Kumar from Delhi.
David Pierson covers Chinese foreign policy and China’s economic and cultural engagement with the world. He has been a journalist for more than two decades.
Mujib Mashal is the South Asia bureau chief for The Times, helping to lead coverage of India and the diverse region around it, including Bangladesh, Sri Lanka, Nepal and Bhutan.
Want to stay updated on what’s happening in China? Sign up for Your Places: Global Update, and we’ll send our latest coverage to your inbox.
本文於 修改第 2 次
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回顧2025展望2026年-張一飛
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回顧2025展望2026年
張一飛，2025/12/31
這時是美國2025年的最後一天的上午，同時是中國2025年最後一天的夜間。在2025年裡，作者不幸得了大病未能對世界大事多作評論。可是2025年發生的世界大事很多，很亂也很複雜。作者身居美國但每年訪問大陸和臺灣一次。今年四月去了臺灣和大陸，一年裡，所聽所聞頗值得回憶。雖然世界大事的發生是同時的，但是世界媒體的報導，因時差，距離和國情的不同，其報導很有差異。各地百姓對新聞的接收和重視程度，也大有區別。
在美國，重大災難與社會議題比世界大事持續牽動公眾注意力，包括洛杉磯郡山火、首都附近的致命航空事故、驅逐非法移民的行為，得州中部洪災以及多起槍擊事件(尤其學區內發生的事件)等。國際議題如俄烏戰爭，加沙局勢和美軍圍堵委內瑞拉油輪等雖是全年世界保持高度關注的新聞，然而美國對娛樂和消費文化的報導更吸眼球，從潮玩Labubu(香港藝術家創造的調皮娃娃)到Netflix動畫電影《Kpop獵魔女團》(下載最多的電影，17.4B)，再到流行音樂與名人婚訊，都還佔據穩定搜索空間。在2025 年，貫穿全年的一個核心關鍵字是“通脹”，顯示美選民對生活成本的持續關切。在這一背景下，這個政治議題已在今年多地選舉中推動民主黨反彈，並可能繼續影響2026年中期選舉走向。川普的關稅戰的成敗與中國較勁的結果，似乎與政治意識和經濟理論沒有大關係，美國老百姓關心的還是生活問題。所以美中貿易關稅戰，美方沒有得利，所以休兵一年可以說是美國的唯一選項。
相對的，在世界局勢變幻中，不停的戰爭還是政軍評論家的關注焦點，俄烏戰爭停戰協議的焦灼，以色列在加沙的企圖不歇，最近南美美軍的違法軍事動作都使2025年成為失望的一年。美國的2025年國安報告與往年不同，提出了一個現實的研判，並且做出戰略上重大的改變，從提出G2(對中)，新門羅主義和對世局和中國的實情判斷，似乎美國有修改它傳統的霸權主義，壓制崛起的對手的一貫政策。在對華政策上似乎有承認中國崛起實力已強的現實，在軍事經貿和科技競爭上有接受中國成就的態度，至於在政策上的明顯改變，那可能就要看2026年的表現了。
對於中國，2025年可以說是多事繁忙和壓力重大的一年。一面要對抗美國的關稅戰，貿易戰，和科技戰；另一面要快速的尋求對策，改變貿易物件，加速自主科技發展， 和應付美國聯盟制裁的壓力。在國安方面中國與周邊國家的外交關係更是複雜多變，從巴鐵印度到東南亞各國的政情變化和外交動向到更嚴重的日韓關係和菲律賓的南海挑釁都在2025年有重大的衝擊。其中最值得關注的是11月7日，日本新任第一位女首相高市早苗的對華挑釁言論：臺灣有事就是日本有事，並妄言是日本生死存亡的關鍵。這種言論是日本軍國主義對他國侵略的外交詞彙。中國的反應可想而知，中國不但立即發動外交經濟制裁的動作，並在國際輿論上經由聯合國提出日本違背投降國對二戰後戰勝國作出的世界秩序。企圖恢復日本軍國主義，提高國防預算，推進軍武開發，並揚言要成為擁核國家。這對中國，亞洲國家，和全世界都是一個警鐘。日本右翼的倡狂是在美國長年縱容下成長的，如今日本想以美日安保條約綁定美國，達成其恢復軍國主義的夢想。這絕不是美國的意願，所以2026 年美國在對日中韓關係上必須要有審慎的考慮，美國必須在美中關係上主導其外交政策不能被動的被日本推向不利的局面。
由2025年展望2026年，我們可以說美中關係的發展是世界局勢變化的重中之重。明年一月韓國總統李在明將做國事訪華，四月裡美國川普總統也將訪華，這兩件大事對美中關係，亞太安全和世界和平有重大影響，讓我們仔細觀察他們的發展和後續效應。
作者在此向讀者感謝一年來的關懷，並祝大家新年快樂，萬事如意，世界走向和平。
作者張一飛博士為《中美論壇》雙語政論家。
本文於 修改第 3 次
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回顧2025，展望2026的中國 – 來自網路
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請觀賞：2026年重大預判 (視頻 -- 全長：1:34:59)
【2025年12月25日年終巨獻！！】翟東升重磅對話金燦榮！！2025年終重要對話，信息量巨大。大師們在一起同台總結2025年的巨大博弈，展望到來的2026年重大預判。
大家好！
翟東升和金燦榮分別是中國人民大學金融學和中美關係學的大師級的專家，一同回顧2025年中美博弈的勝負成敗，不免有點兒沾沾自喜，溢於言表；本鷗更感興趣的是他們的展望未來，對於後美國一超獨霸的新世界秩序的看法，有點兒意思，特地寄上，以供參考：
阿彌陀佛，並祝大家
新年快樂，闔家安康！！！
泊洋之鷗 敬上
編後記：
以上是大學同窗歐陽博兄在本系群組寄來的訊息。我把版面略做修改後在此刊出；給大家參考外，也借兩位大師吉言，恭祝兩岸國運昌隆。
本文於 修改第 2 次
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中國高光時刻 -- L. Kong
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這篇文章平鋪直敘；雖然沒有深入分析；也沒有言過其實。
China’s moment: When Washington and Moscow both bow to Beijing
After Trump’s latest climbdown, China today stands at a height of international influence it has never known before
Linggong Kong, 11/12/25
Recently, the Xi–Trump summit in South Korea drew significant attention. While there’s been much debate over who came out on top, one thing is clear: China’s influence on the global stage has reached an unprecedented level.
Decades ago, China was a country caught between the two poles of the US and the Soviet Union during the Cold War, forced to survive by playing a delicate balancing act. Today, times have changed. China now holds critical leverage over both Washington and Moscow, with the power to make each side take its cues from Beijing.
During the Soviet era, China looked up to its “Big Brother,” admiring and respecting the Soviet Union as the powerful leader of the socialist camp. Blocked by the United States and the West, China relied heavily on Soviet economic and military assistance, and Moscow wielded significant influence over Beijing’s politics.
Even after the collapse of the Soviet Union, Russia, still regarded as the world’s second-strongest military power, continued to wield considerable influence over China, particularly through Beijing’s reliance on Russian arms imports to modernize its military.
However, as Russia’s economy continues to deteriorate under long-term Western sanctions and its national power declines, especially since the outbreak of the war in Ukraine, the country has suffered an unprecedented blow to both its economy and military. As a result, Russia has become increasingly dependent on China to keep its system running.
China has since become an indispensable partner, serving as Russia’s largest trading counterpart for both imports and exports. In 2024, bilateral trade hit a record high of US$237 billion, with China now a crucial buyer of Russian oil and gas. Moreover, China’s supply of dual-use goods (軍民兩用貨物) has become a vital lifeline for Russia’s defense industry amid the ongoing conflict in Ukraine.
With the West stepping up military aid to Kyiv and tightening sanctions on Moscow, a Russia unwilling to relinquish its claims over Ukrainian territory has been left with no choice but to lean ever more heavily on Beijing.
This shifting power dynamic was on full display during China’s military parade in September, where Vladimir Putin, long seen as a political strongman, stood beside Xi Jinping with a deferential demeanor, appearing almost like a subordinate to the Chinese leader.
From unilateral enforcer to reluctant negotiator
It’s well known that a major reason behind the establishment of US–China diplomatic relations was Beijing’s desire to rely on Washington to counterbalance its once-ally, the Soviet Union, which had grown increasingly hostile and threatening.
After the Soviet Union collapsed, the United States emerged as the world’s sole superpower, and its influence on China became undeniable. China’s reform and opening were, in many ways, built on its engagement with the US, which helped it integrate into the global economy.
For years, Washington has imposed a range of sanctions on China, citing issues such as human rights, Hong Kong, and national security, through measures like trade restrictions, export controls, and military embargoes. In response, Beijing has largely confined itself to diplomatic protests and limited visa bans on certain US officials, measures that are largely symbolic and have inflicted little real damage on Washington.
In short, America has long been the unilateral enforcer of sanctions, while China has been the unilateral recipient. During Donald Trump’s second term, Washington launched a new round of trade warfare against China. But this time, Beijing broke from its past role as a passive recipient of sanctions.
Leveraging its dominant position in global supply chains, especially in critical rare earth materials and its influence over key exports like soybeans, on which the US heavily depends, China struck back with a series of targeted measures. These counteractions dealt real damage to the US economy, forcing Washington back to the negotiating table.
The shift in power dynamics became even more evident during the renewed trade turbulence in October. Despite both sides reaching a truce over the summer after multiple rounds of talks, tensions flared up again in the fall. At the end of September, the Trump administration expanded export control measures—extending the Entity List and Military End User (MEU) restrictions to non-US entities that are 50% or more owned, directly or indirectly, by listed parties—and imposed new port fees on Chinese vessels.
Beijing responded swiftly and decisively. In addition to mirroring the port fees on US ships, China introduced new export controls with extraterritorial reach on rare earth materials, catching Washington off guard and leaving the White House visibly frustrated.
Yet, faced with China’s overwhelming dominance in the rare earth supply chain, the US had little choice but to step back and seek de-escalation. Before long, both sides again returned to the negotiating table in Malaysia, announcing another temporary ceasefire in their trade war.
Although the Xi–Trump summit on October 30 appeared to bring greater stability to the latest US–China trade truce, it also revealed a critical truth: In this ongoing contest, Beijing holds a powerful card in its leverage over rare earths.
Washington’s eagerness to re-engage with Beijing over this issue underscores how the US is no longer the dominant player capable of imposing unilateral sanctions, but rather a reactive negotiator constrained by China’s control over essential resources.
While the United States has reached agreements with Australia and Japan to jointly strengthen control over the rare earth supply chain, achieving that goal will take years. China, for its part, has no intention of passively watching its “rare earth advantage” erode.
Instead, Beijing is expected to make full use of this strategic window to maximize its national interests through its monopoly on these critical materials.
As economic and security frictions between the two powers continue to intensify, one can expect China to repeatedly play the rare earth card whenever Washington attempts to exert pressure, forcing the US back to the negotiating table as the less powerful side.
On top of the world
Just as Vladimir Putin walked beside Xi Jinping with a deferential air during China’s military parade on September 3, and as Donald Trump warmly welcomed Xi at their October 30 summit and saw him off with unusual courtesy afterward, China today stands at a height of international influence it has never known before.
Once a nation struggling to survive between the competing power of the US and the Soviet Union, China has now reached a point where both of those former pillars of global power — Washington and Moscow — find themselves constrained by Beijing’s power and influence.
Whether this situation can be broken depends in part on Moscow’s willingness to continue the war in Ukraine, and on how quickly Washington and its allies can reduce their dependence on China in critical supply chains.
Linggong Kong is a PhD candidate in political science at Auburn University, where his research focuses on international relations, China’s grand strategy and Northeast Asian security. His commentaries have been published or republished in The Conversation, The Diplomat, Asia Times, China Factor and Newsweek Japan, among others.
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本文於 修改第 3 次
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中國閱兵所展示先進武器一覽 - Matthew Loh
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本文原發表於2025/09/04，此次為重刊；造成不便，還請原諒。
請至原網頁觀看多幅武器相關照片。
China's military showed off laser weapons, a 'highly intelligent' tank, and a host of advanced missiles in a big parade
Matthew Loh, 09/03/25
* China showcased dozens of new weapon types and platforms in a grand parade on Wednesday.
* Many of them, such as its anti-ship missiles and ICBMs, allow it to project power far from its shores.
* The new systems include a slew of advanced missiles and high-tech weapons such as lasers.
China unveiled a wide range of new, advanced weapon systems across its military branches on Wednesday, in a display of might targeted at both its local populace and the globe.
The parade, attended by dozens of world leaders aligned with Beijing, commemorated the 80th anniversary of Japan's defeat in World War II and was the first time such a grand procession had been organized in the last six years.
Many of the new capabilities on display are designed to allow China to project military power far from its shores, as Beijing vies to match US primacy in the Indo-Pacific.
Among the debut weapons were long-range, powerful anti-ship missiles and intercontinental ballistic missiles, or ICBMs, capable of carrying nuclear warheads worldwide. Some glitzy, high-tech systems also appeared in public for the first time.
Importantly, most of these weapons or platforms were not demonstrated and likely haven't been combat-tested. Very little is confirmed about their true capabilities, with analysts often relying on details from state media or specifications of previous variants.
Here's a look at the new weapons that China debuted on its Victory Day parade.
Two new laser weapons made their debut
One of the first new systems put on display was the LY-1, which appears to be a laser weapon. Though it was mounted on a truck, state media said it's meant to be a defense system on aircraft carriers.
Parade narrators for CGTN, China's English-language state media outlet, said the LY-1 is capable of "precision destruction and consistent strike."
Beijing also later rolled out a truck-mounted weapon, dubbed a "high-energy" laser by state media, in its anti-drone contingent. The laser is meant to work together with microwave weapons to take down uncrewed aerial threats.
China rolled out a new type of advanced tank that state media called 'highly intelligent'
Near the front of the pack were also what CGTN called the new-generation Type-100 tank and Type-100 fighting vehicle.
Close-ups of the main battle tank indicate that it's an improved version of the Type-99, a Chinese third-generation tank based on the Soviet T-72 chassis.
CGTN narrators called the tank "highly intelligent," saying it could perform "coordinated combat," but did not elaborate on what that meant.
Notably, the Type-100 appears to have a remotely operated or uncrewed turret mounted above the main gun, while the Type-99 typically requires a human operator for its roof-mounted gun.
China Daily, a state media outlet, later wrote that the Type-100 is a fourth-generation tank with an "unmanned turret, an advanced radar, an active protection system, as well as augmented reality technology."
Little was said about the Type-100 fighting vehicle, but camera shots of its chassis showed a quadcopter drone sitting atop the rear of its lower-body hull.
Several nuclear-capable intercontinental ballistic missiles also debuted
A headliner on Wednesday was the DongFeng-61, believed to be China's latest ground-based ICBM. The solid-fuel DF-61 is said to be an improvement on the DF-41, a mobile-launched missile that Beijing currently has in service.
The DF-61 is estimated to have a range of 12,000 km, or 7,450 miles.
Additionally, China displayed the DF-31BJ, a new, apparently upgraded version of its older ICBM models. It also showed off the JL-1 and JL-3, its new-generation air-launched and sea-launched ICBMs. With all of these missiles intended to be nuclear-capable, Wednesday's reveal covered new entries in all three legs of China's strategic nuclear triad.
Then came a major highlight — a new variant of China's liquid-fueled ICBM
China then showed a glimpse of the DF-5C, a new version of its largest ICBM. It's meant to be launched from a fixed silo with a liquid propellant that is slower to prepare, but is expected to have a range of about 8,000 to 9,300 miles, meaning it can strike anywhere in the continental US.
The DF-5C is also believed to be capable of carrying up to 10 Multiple Independently Targetable Reentry Vehicles, or MIRV, warheads. This capability allows a single ICBM to attack multiple locations simultaneously.
Beijing's new anti-ship missiles reach far, meaning they were likely designed to fight forces like the US Navy
China also revealed a line-up of anti-ship missiles designed to engage vessels at long range, some at speeds that are incredibly difficult for modern air defense systems to counter.
One of these new platforms, the YJ-20, is a hybrid ballistic missile that is supposed to maneuver at speeds faster than Mach 5, or five times the speed of sound. Very little is publicly known about the YJ-20, which is believed to be a variant of the YJ-21, another hypersonic anti-ship missile.
Another new appearance was the YJ-15, suspected to use ramjets that consume atmospheric oxygen to sustain its flight. The YJ-19, presumed to be a more advanced version of the missile that can fly at hypersonic speeds, also made a showing.
A new type of China's "Guam Killer" ballistic missile emerged
China has for years developed a ballistic missile called the DF-26, said to be able to strike land targets deep in the Western Pacific. That's given the missile a nickname of "Guam Killer," because that capacity would allow it to target US military bases on the island.
The DF-26D, an apparent anti-ship variant of the missile, made its debut on Wednesday.
We also got a closer glimpse at China's new torpedo-shaped underwater drones
The torpedo-shaped HSU100 and AJX002 were included in China's drone contingent, meaning that they are likely long-range underwater uncrewed vehicles.
Their appearance has led some analysts to speculate that they could be related to Russia's Poseidon, a large underwater drone that is said to be nuclear-powered and capable of carrying nuclear weapons.
However, their roles and capabilities remain unclear.
China showed off new air defense missiles aimed at forming an anti-ballistic shield
Beijing also unveiled several types of anti-missile systems on Wednesday. The most significant of these is likely the HongQi-29, a new interceptor aimed at taking down ballistic missiles even while their target is traveling outside of the Earth's atmosphere.
That altitude would also allow the HQ-29 to strike some low-Earth orbit satellites that operate close to Earth's atmosphere. It's been compared to the US Terminal High Altitude Area Defense system, though very little public information is available on it.
Also newly featured was the HQ-9C, the latest variant of China's HQ-9 surface-to-air missile system with an improved radar. This family of systems is widely considered Beijing's version of the Russian S-300.
Lower-cost robot dogs and uncrewed ground vehicles also featured
In what seems to be China taking a page from the war in Ukraine, its military showcased a range of uncrewed ground vehicles and quadcopters.
Several of the ground drones were equipped with gun turrets and cameras, while others appear to be designed for bomb disposal or mine clearing.
A few trucks also carried quadrupedal machines resembling robot dogs, which have been increasingly featured by Chinese state media in the last two years.
China's much-hyped mystery J-50 and J-36 aircraft designs were nowhere to be seen
While the People's Liberation Army Air Force conducted a mass fly past of more than 100 jets and aircraft on Wednesday, it didn't reveal much in terms of combat airframes.
Some analysts had hoped to see models or even flights of China's secretive sixth-generation fighter prototypes, such as the Chengdu J-36 and Shenyang J-50.
Both aircraft have been captured before in unofficial photos often posted on social media, but were nowhere to be seen during the Victory Day parade.
But Beijing did release what it said were 80,000 doves in an audacious display
As China's long procession of weapons rolled from view, a parade announcer called for the "peace doves" to be released.
Thousands of birds rushed through Tiananmen Square, soaring over a mass choir waving red flags to end the majestic, highly choreographed display.
Beijing's official line has long been that while it possesses and is developing new, powerful weapons with a continually extending reach, its military is designed only to defend its territory.
The US, however, says that China's rapid military growth and Beijing's intentions for Taiwan risk destabilizing the surrounding region, and has set the PLA as the "pacing challenge" for its military.
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「九三」大閱兵展示中國國威 - Ryan Woo/Mei Mei Chu
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本文原發表於2025/09/04，此次為重刊；造成不便，還請原諒。
這篇現場「看熱鬧」式報導的訊息量不夠；「門道」還真得留待專業軍事/軍備人員才能看個明白。
China's Xi projects power at military parade with Putin and Kim
Ryan Woo/Mei Mei Chu, 09/03/25
Summary
* Russia's Putin, North Korea's Kim join Xi Jinping in Beijing
* Tiananmen Square parade shows off latest military hardware
* Event marks anniversary of Japan's defeat in World War Two
* Western leaders largely shunned Beijing spectacle
* Xi said world faces peace or war in keynote speech
BEIJING, Sept 3 (Reuters) - Chinese President Xi Jinping warned the world was facing a choice between peace or war at a massive military parade in Beijing on Wednesday, flanked by Russia's Vladimir Putin and North Korea's Kim Jong Un in an unprecedented show of force.
The event to mark 80 years since Japan's defeat at the end of World War Two was largely shunned by Western leaders, with Putin and Kim - pariahs in the West due to the Ukraine war and Kim's nuclear ambitions - the guests of honour.
Designed to project China's military might and diplomatic clout, it also comes as U.S. President Donald Trump's tariffs and volatile policymaking strain its relations with allies and rivals alike.
"Today, mankind is faced with the choice of peace or war, dialogue or confrontation, win-win or zero-sum," Xi told a crowd of more than 50,000 spectators at Tiananmen Square, adding that the Chinese people "firmly stand on the right side of history".
Riding in an open-top limousine, Xi then inspected the troops and cutting-edge military equipment such as hypersonic missiles, underwater drones and a weaponised 'robot wolf'.
Helicopters trailing large banners and fighter jets flew in formation during a 70-minute showcase that culminated in the release of 80,000 'peace' birds.
Donning a tunic suit in the style worn by former leader Mao Zedong, Xi earlier greeted more than 25 leaders on the red carpet, including Indonesia's Prabowo Subianto who made a surprise appearance despite widespread protests at home.
Seated between Putin and Kim in the viewing gallery, Xi repeatedly engaged in conversations with both leaders as thousands of troops and materiel passed before them. It marked the first time the trio have appeared together in public.
Putin later thanked Kim for his soldiers' courageous fighting in the war in Ukraine during a bilateral meeting at China's State Guesthouse. The North Korean leader said he was willing to do everything he can to help Russia.
In a post directed at Xi on Truth Social as the parade kicked off, Trump highlighted the U.S. role in helping China secure its freedom from Japan during World War Two.
"Please give my warmest regards to Vladimir Putin, and Kim Jong Un, as you conspire against the United States of America," Trump added.
The Kremlin said Putin was not conspiring against the United States and suggested Trump was being ironic in his remarks.
XI'S GLOBAL VISION
Xi has cast World War Two as a major turning point in the "great rejuvenation of the Chinese nation", in which it overcame the humiliation of Japan's invasion to become a global powerhouse.
Earlier this week, Xi unveiled his vision of a new world order at a regional security summit, calling for unity against "hegemonism and power politics", a thinly veiled swipe at his rival across the Pacific Ocean.
"Xi feels confident that the table has turned. It's China that is back in the driver's seat now," said Wen-Ti Sung, fellow at the Atlantic Council's Global China Hub, based in Taiwan.
"It's been Trumpian unilateralism rather than China’s wolf warrior diplomacy when people talk about the leading source of uncertainty in the international system."
At a lavish reception after the parade at the Great Hall of the People, Xi told his guests that humanity must not return to the "law of the jungle".
Beyond the pomp and propaganda, analysts are watching whether Xi, Putin and Kim may signal closer defence relations following a pact signed by Russia and North Korea in June 2024, and a similar alliance between Beijing and Pyongyang, an outcome that may alter the military calculus in the Asia-Pacific region.
Putin has already sealed deeper energy deals with Beijing during his China visit, while the gathering has given the reclusive Kim an opportunity to gain implicit support for his banned nuclear weapons.
It has been 66 years since a North Korean leader last attended a Chinese military parade. Kim also shook hands with the speaker of South Korea's National Assembly Woo Won-shik before the start of the parade, Woo's office said.
Pyongyang has rejected Seoul's recent overtures to stabilise souring relations between the two Koreas, technically at war since the 1950-53 Korean War ended in a truce, not a peace treaty.
Kim travelled to Beijing with his daughter Ju Ae, whom South Korean intelligence consider his most likely successor, although she was not seen alongside him at the parade.
IMPRESSIVE STRIDES
Over the past two years, more than a dozen generals - many formerly close to Xi - have been purged from the People's Liberation Army in a sweeping corruption crackdown.
"The parade allows Xi to focus the world’s attention on its impressive strides in modernising its military hardware, while overshadowing the stubborn challenges afflicting the PLA, most notably the continued purges rolling through the ranks of its most senior officers," said Jon Czin, a foreign policy analyst at Brookings Institution, a U.S.-based think tank.
The parade was not only aimed at projecting China's might to the outside world, but also galvanising patriotic spirit at home, analysts said.
In his keynote address, Xi called the rejuvenation of the Chinese nation "unstoppable". Civil servants up and down the country have been tasked with watching the parade and writing down their reflections, one of them told Reuters.
Additional reporting by Xiaoyu Yin, Go Nakamura, Xihao Jiang, Alessandro Diviggiano, Maxim Shemetov, Shubing Wang, Tingshu Wang, Laurie Chen, Joe Cash, Xiuhao Chen, Tiffany Le, Lewis Jackson, Nicoco Chan, Florence Lo and Kevin Krolicki in Beijing; Liz Lee, Shi Bu, Qiaoyi Li in Shanghai; Lidia Kelly in Melbourne; Ju-min Park, Joyce Lee and Josh Smith in Seoul; Writing by John Geddie; Editing by Alex Richardson, Lincoln Feast and Michael Perry
Our Standards: The Thomson Reuters Trust Principles.
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「九三閱兵」評論集錦-胡承渝等
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本文原發表於2025/09/01，此次為重刊；造成不便，還請原諒。
以下是《保釣論壇》幾位老朋友針對「九三閱兵」的觀察和評論；雖然跟開欄文本身沒有直接關聯，但討論的事件和議題相關。我依照收到時間順序，轉載於下；未經允許，逕行發表；尚請老友們見諒：
胡承渝先生
這次閲兵有 26位外國元首或總理出席。我統計一下：
亞洲：21 國。
歐洲：3 國家。
非洲：2 國家。
拉美：1 國。
俄羅斯橫跨歐亞，所以算了兩次。
正好「上海合作組織」的峰會，於閲兵前夕在天津舉行。這 26國中有 15國家是上合組織的成員國、觀察員或談話夥伴、5 國是這次峰會的特邀嘉賓。
「上合組織」的會員和觀察員中，只有印度沒有留下來參觀閲兵。談話夥伴中，埃及和土耳其沒出席閲兵。
有 7國家是二戰與日本作戰或被日本侵略的國家。
所以出席的大部份是與上合組織有關的國家，我不知道是天津峰會帶動他們出席閲兵，還是閲兵帶動天津峰會。非洲和拉美只有三國出席閲兵，出乎我意料之外。
祝開景先生
印尼因國內發生大規模騷亂和示威，剛有消息印尼總統不去北京了。
胡卜凱
關於參加國家「數目」，尤其是非洲和拉美，略述淺見：
俗話說：「瘦死的駱駝比馬大」。川普手握美國總統大權；聯邦最高法院九位大法官中，至少一半是他的舔狗；關稅是否「合法」(該欄2025/08/30)，一時三刻還真不好說。世界各小國領袖自然沒有必要在這個節骨眼惹怒他這位陰晴不定，翻臉比翻書還快的瘋子(起碼是個自戀狂、被迫害狂、神經兮兮、或兼而有之一類)。
川瘋現在對委內瑞拉作勢兵臨城下，中國和習總個人的國際「信用度」面臨「試金石」考驗；後續發展值得關注。希望習總在幕後斡旋，化解僵局和/或危機。川痞肯下台；川瘋會跳牆；誰也搞不清楚明天早上下床的是那一個川普。
張東才先生
我以為，一個國家的穩定和發展需要3項主要的支撐，那就是：國防，經濟和民意。今天中國的短板不是第一項。閱兵一定會成功的，而且會非常impressive。
有幾個外國元首參加其實無所謂。今天政府需要努力的，應該是第二項和第三項。
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