索引：

「一帶一路」：請參見本城市《「一帶一路」計畫如何贏得世界 》和《「三方經濟通道」 – 開欄文》兩欄
「兩個毫不動搖」：2002年提出
「三個區分開來」：2022年提出
「四個全面」：2014年提出
「長臂管轄」：請參見《美國“長臂管轄”的霸權主義本質》
「黑天鵝」：
「灰犀牛」：


習近平就《中共中央關於進一步全面深化改革、推進中國式現代化的決定》的說明


同志們： 

受中央政治局委託，我就《中共中央關於進一步全面深化改革、推進中國式現代化的決定》起草的有關情況向全會作說明。 

一、關於確定全會議題的考慮 

圍繞黨的中心任務謀劃和部署改革，是黨領導改革開放的成功經驗。從實踐經驗和現實需要出發，中央政治局決定黨的二十屆三中全會研究進一步全面深化改革、推進中國式現代化問題，主要有以下幾方面考慮。 

第一，這是凝聚人心、匯聚力量，實現新時代新征程黨的中心任務的迫切需要。實踐充分證明，改革開放和社會主義現代化建設新時期，我國大踏步趕上時代，靠的是改革開放。黨的十八大以來，黨和國家事業取得歷史性成就、發生歷史性變革，靠的也是改革開放。新時代新征程上，要開創中國式現代化建設新局面，仍然要靠改革開放。黨的二十大確立了全面建成社會主義現代化強國、實現第二個百年奮鬥目標，以中國式現代化全面推進中華民族偉大復興的中心任務，闡述了中國式現代化的中國特色、本質要求、重大原則等，對推進中國式現代化作出戰略部署。要把這些戰略部署落到實處，把中國式現代化藍圖變為現實，根本在於進一步全面深化改革，不斷完善各方面體制機制，為推進中國式現代化提供制度保障。 

第二，這是完善和發展中國特色社會主義制度、推進國家治理體系和治理能力現代化的迫切需要。黨的十八大以來，我們突出制度建設這條主線，通過全面深化改革完善各方面制度，推動中國特色社會主義制度更加成熟更加定型，國家治理體系和治理能力現代化水平明顯提高，為全面建成小康社會提供了有力制度保障。同時，要清醒看到，完善中國特色社會主義制度是一個動態過程，必然隨著實踐發展而不斷發展，已有制度需要不斷健全，新領域新實踐需要推進制度創新、填補制度空白。面對新的形勢和任務，必須進一步全面深化改革，繼續完善各方面制度機制，固根基、揚優勢、補短板、強弱項，不斷把我國制度優勢更好轉化為國家治理效能。 

第三，這是推動高質量發展、更好適應我國社會主要矛盾變化的迫切需要。當前，推動高質量發展面臨的突出問題依然是發展不平衡不充分。比如，市場體系仍不健全，市場發育還不充分，政府和市場的關係尚未完全理順，創新能力不適應高質量發展要求，產業體系整體大而不強、全而不精，關鍵核心技術受制于人狀況沒有根本改變，農業基礎還不穩固，城鄉區域發展和收入分配差距仍然較大，民生保障、生態環境保護仍存短板，等等。歸結起來，這些問題都是社會主要矛盾變化的反映，是發展中的問題，必須進一步全面深化改革，從體制機制上推動解決。 

第四，這是應對重大風險挑戰、推動黨和國家事業行穩致遠的迫切需要。推進中國式現代化是一項全新的事業，前進道路上必然會遇到各種矛盾和風險挑戰。特別是當前世界百年未有之大變局加速演進，局部衝突和動蕩頻發，全球性問題加劇，來自外部的打壓遏制不斷升級，我國發展進入戰略機遇和風險挑戰並存、不確定難預料因素增多的時期，各種「黑天鵝」、「灰犀牛」事件隨時可能發生。有效應對這些風險挑戰，在日趨激烈的國際競爭中贏得戰略主動，需要我們進一步全面深化改革，用完善的制度防範化解風險、有效應對挑戰，在危機中育新機、于變局中開新局。 

二、關於決定稿起草過程 

2023年11月，中央政治局決定，成立黨的二十屆三中全會文件起草組，由我擔任組長，王滬寧、蔡奇、丁薛祥同志擔任副組長，在中央政治局常委會領導下承擔文件起草工作。12月8日，文件起草組召開第一次全體會議，文件起草工作正式啟動。在7個多月時間裡，文件起草組深入調查研究，廣泛徵求意見，開展專題論證，反覆討論修改。 

在決定稿起草過程中，我們重點把握以下幾點：

一是總結和運用改革開放以來特別是新時代全面深化改革的寶貴經驗，確定遵循原則，堅持正確政治方向。
二是緊緊圍繞推進中國式現代化、落實黨的二十大戰略部署來謀劃進一步全面深化改革，堅持問題導向。
三是抓住重點，突出體制機制改革，突出戰略性、全局性重大改革，突出經濟體制改革牽引作用，凸顯改革引領作用。
四是堅持人民至上，從人民整體利益、根本利益、長遠利益出發謀劃和推進改革。
五是強化系統集成，加強對改革整體謀劃、系統佈局，使各方面改革相互配合、協同高效。 

這次全會文件起草，把發揚民主、集思廣益貫穿全過程。2023年11月27日，黨中央發出通知，就黨的二十屆三中全會議題徵求各地區各部門各方面和部分幹部群眾意見。大家一致認為，黨中央決定黨的二十屆三中全會重點研究進一步全面深化改革、推進中國式現代化問題，彰顯了將改革進行到底的堅強決心和強烈使命擔當，是對新時代新征程舉什麼旗、走什麼路的再宣示，對以中國式現代化全面推進強國建設、民族復興偉業具有重大而深遠的意義。各地區各部門各方面就文件主題、框架、重要舉措等提出許多有價值的建議，為決定稿起草提供了重要參考。 

2024年5月7日，決定稿下發黨內一定範圍徵求意見，徵求黨內老同志意見，專門聽取各民主黨派中央、全國工商聯負責人和無黨派人士代表意見，聽取相關企業和專家學者意見。從反饋情況看，大家一致認為，決定稿緊緊圍繞推進中國式現代化這個主題擘畫進一步全面深化改革戰略舉措，堅持正確政治方向，著力抓住推進中國式現代化需要破解的重大體制機制問題謀劃改革，主題鮮明，重點突出，舉措務實可行，是新時代新征程上推動全面深化改革向廣度和深度進軍的總動員、總部署，充分體現了完善和發展中國特色社會主義制度、推進國家治理體系和治理能力現代化的歷史主動，必將為中國式現代化提供強大動力和制度保障。同時，各方面提出了1911條修改意見和建議。文件起草組認真研究這些意見和建議，能吸收儘量吸收，作出221處修改。 

在起草工作過程中，中央政治局常委會召開3次會議、中央政治局召開2次會議進行審議、修改，形成了提請這次全會審議的決定稿。 

三、關於決定稿基本框架和主要內容 

決定稿除引言和結束語外，有15個部分，分三大板塊。

第一部分為第一板塊，是總論，主要闡述進一步全面深化改革、推進中國式現代化的重大意義和總體要求。
第二至第十四部分為第二板塊，是分論，主要從經濟、政治、文化、社會、生態文明、國家安全、國防和軍隊等方面部署改革。
第十五部分為第三板塊，主要講加強黨對改革的領導、深化黨的建設制度改革、黨風廉政建設和反腐敗鬥爭。內容條目通篇排序，開列60條。 

決定稿錨定2035年基本實現社會主義現代化目標，重點部署未來五年的重大改革舉措，在內容擺布上有以下幾個特點。 

第一，注重發揮經濟體制改革牽引作用。深化經濟體制改革仍是進一步全面深化改革的重點，主要任務是完善有利於推動高質量發展的體制機制，塑造發展新動能新優勢，堅持和落實「兩個毫不動搖」，構建全國統一大市場，完善市場經濟基礎制度。 

決定稿圍繞處理好政府和市場關係這個核心問題，把構建高水平社會主義市場經濟體制擺在突出位置，對經濟體制改革重點領域和關鍵環節作出部署。著眼增強國有企業核心功能、提升核心競爭力，提出增強各有關管理部門戰略協同，推進國有經濟佈局優化和結構調整，推動國有資本和國有企業做強做優做大；著眼推動非公有制經濟發展，提出制定民營經濟促進法，加強產權執法司法保護，防止和糾正利用行政、刑事手段干預經濟糾紛。提出加強公平競爭審查剛性約束，清理和廢除妨礙全國統一市場和公平競爭的各種規定和做法，完善要素市場制度和規則，等等。這些舉措將更好激發全社會內生動力和創新活力。 

決定稿對健全推動經濟高質量發展體制機制、促進新質生產力發展作出部署。圍繞發展以高技術、高效能、高質量為特徵的生產力，提出加強新領域新賽道制度供給，建立未來產業投入增長機制，以國家標準提升引領傳統產業優化升級，促進各類先進生產要素向發展新質生產力集聚。 

決定稿對健全宏觀經濟治理體系作出部署。提出完善國家戰略規劃體系和政策統籌協調機制；統籌推進財稅體制改革，增加地方自主財力，拓展地方稅源，合理擴大地方政府專項債券支持範圍，適當加強中央事權、提高中央財政支出比例；完善金融機構定位和治理，健全投資和融資相協調的資本市場功能，完善金融監管體系。 

決定稿對完善城鄉融合發展體制機制作出部署。提出健全推進新型城鎮化體制機制；鞏固和完善農村基本經營制度；完善強農惠農富農支持制度；深化土地制度改革。 

決定稿對完善高水平對外開放體制機制作出部署。提出穩步擴大制度型開放；深化外貿體制改革；深化外商投資和對外投資管理體制改革；優化區域開放佈局；完善推進高質量共建「一帶一路」機制。 

第二，注重構建支持全面創新體制機制。決定稿統籌推進教育科技人才體制機制一體改革，強調深化教育綜合改革、深化科技體制改革、深化人才發展體制機制改革，提升國家創新體系整體效能。 

在教育體制改革方面，提出分類推進高校改革，建立科技發展、國家戰略需求牽引的學科設置調整機制和人才培養模式，超常佈局急需學科專業；完善高校科技創新機制，提高成果轉化效能。 

在科技體制改革方面，提出加強國家戰略科技力量建設，優化國家科研機構、高水平研究型大學、科技領軍企業定位和佈局，改進科技計劃管理，強化基礎研究領域、交叉前沿領域、重點領域前瞻性、引領性佈局；強化企業科技創新主體地位，建立培育壯大科技領軍企業機制；允許科研類事業單位實行比一般事業單位更靈活的管理制度，探索實行企業化管理；深化職務科技成果賦權改革。 

在人才發展體制機制改革方面，提出加快建設國家戰略人才力量，提高各類人才素質；完善青年創新人才發現、選拔、培養機制，更好保障青年科技人員待遇；強化人才激勵機制，堅持向用人主體授權、為人才鬆綁；完善海外引進人才支持保障機制。 

另請參考：《三中全會決定全文》、《一圖全解二十屆三中全會《決定》》、以及《日經亞洲分析中共三中全會決定文：習近平為與美脫鉤及連任準備》。


Xi signals no deviation from course – nor in the driver – despite economic bumps in the road

ANTHONY SAICH, 07/29/24

Chinese President Xi Jinping has laid out his vision for China’s economic and social future – and it places Xi Jinping at the very center.

Having cemented his political legacy at the 20th Chinese Communist Party Congress in October 2022 by being confirmed leader until at least 2027, the “chairman of everything” has now set out how he sees the next few years going.

The road map was discussed at the important third plenum that took place July 15-18, 2024. To China watchers like myself, the plenum – which brings together party leaders to discuss great matters of state and economy – gives key insights on the current thinking in Beijing as to where the country sees itself now and where it wants to be.

The plenum is accompanied by an official communique and then a more detailed “decision” distributed days after the meeting.

Xi at the wheel

Often the plenums are decisive in setting out new directions – take, for example, the 1978 meeting that heralded the end of the disastrous Cultural Revolution and the beginning of Deng Xiaoping’s opening up of China.

This latest plenum was a far cry from such a pivotal moment. In fact, it offered little new in terms of the actual policy. But what it did do was confirm that Xi sees no need to deviate from the course he has set out, or to change the driver behind the wheel.

The decision document circulated on July 21 made clear Xi’s desire for authoritarian political control, albeit tempered with a populist approach to some of the issues facing China.

The plenum’s decision is primarily a political document aimed at rallying the party faithful behind Xi and his preference for a heavily centralized, state-run economy. There were no signs that Xi has any intention of significant reform in the face of a weakening economy.

Rather, what emerged was an indication that any questioning of Xi’s policies would not be tolerated – the communique calls for dealing effectively with “risks in the ideological domain,” while improving “public opinion guidance.” In other words, both the Communist Party and the people need to trust in Xi.

However, in a possible sign that unease persists, the decision stressed the need to establish Xi’s core position on the all-important Central Committee and the party as a whole. That position had, in theory, already been cemented, prompting the question: Why the need to emphasize again now?

Xi and his political thoughts pepper the decision, and it makes clear that both party – and his – control is crucial. This approach will maintain the ongoing tension between the need to innovate to address China’s economic needs and making sure that any changes to policy take place firmly within the framework laid down by party leadership.

At its core, the decision lays out how Xi intends to safeguard what he sees as his legacy.

As such, it touches on economic, social and security concerns that could threaten that legacy – be it faltering growth, tensions with regional rivals and the U.S, growing income inequality and a divide between urban and rural economies.

The decision is packed full of intentions but provides few concrete proposals. Even so, the broad strokes it provides give a glimpse into Xi’s thinking.

Conflicting messages

With respect to the economy, the decision confirms the shift from an obsession with growth at all costs to an emphasis on the quality of growth.

As such, it stresses “high-quality development” as the key component of Xi’s new philosophy. In real terms, this means a shift from the traditional drivers of the economy – labor, capital and the land – to new technologies and innovations, such as artificial intelligence and green energy.

This approach is aimed at moving China up the value-added chain and developing the cutting-edge technologies of the future.

Xi has touted the move to “high-quality development” as a way to create a more equitable society. But given that the vast majority of Chinese workers aren’t employed in these advanced sectors, it is difficult to see how Xi could pull this off.

Similarly, when it comes to remedying the slowdown in the Chinese economy, the decision’s policy priorities send conflicting messages.

It reaffirmed the need for China to continue global engagement and to place the private sector on an equal footing with its state-owned counterpart. However, it makes clear that it is the state sector and state financing that will play the major role in helping the party meet its goals, while the private sector will receive “guidance.”

And investors appear skeptical: The Chinese stock market saw its largest drop in six months when the decision was published.

And there is some doubt that China’s commitment to global engagement will be sufficient to calm the concerns of the international business community.

Addressing local concerns

The decision certainly identifies some of the key areas of domestic concern in China.

Take, for example, the thorny problem of local government debt. Local governments are burdened with mandates set by the central government to provide for a range of expensive social programs, including pensions and health care insurance – which are not funded adequately.

While local authorities in the past have looked to land sales to plug the budget gaps, a severe slump in property prices has left their finances looking increasingly shaky.

The decision calls for local governments to have more financial resources at their disposal, funded by a larger slice of tax revenue being distributed centrally.

Further, a “clear division” of powers and responsibilities between the central and local authorities is to be established – something the party previously promised would be implemented by 2020.

Concern from party leaders over wealth inequality is reflected in the decision, which calls for more inclusive public services to provide a cushion for those most in need.

表單的底部

But the most glaring inequality is driven by the differences between China’s rural and urban areas. Rural households in China suffer significantly lower income, and the gap has grown in recent years.

The decision sees greater and more effective urbanization as key to resolving inequality. A key part of the plan is to eliminate the system of household registration that ties individuals to their place of birth. As a result, many rural people who move to cities are denied access to better urban services, as they are still considered to be villagers.

The abolition of household registration has been promised for many years, but it is yet to be realized.

Blind faith not enough

Taking as a whole, the plenum’s decision reveals many intentions but offers little detail about how to achieve it all in the timeline set – just five years.

But in not offering anything new, the decision is making a point: Xi’s approach – long established – was, and is still, the best way to move China forward. Calls from within China and outside for fundamental changes are, it follows, to be ignored.

But there is a danger for China – and Xi’s legacy – in adopting such intransigence. Many of the problems plaguing China – in particular the gradual slowing of economic growth and creeping inequality – demand more than just good intentions and blind faith that the party knows best.


Anthony Saich is Professor of International Affairs, Harvard Kennedy School