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川普官司纏身 – 開欄文(補增)
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我不厭其煩的刊登有關川普法律糾紛的評論和新聞報導(此欄、《政治學》02/07/2024貼文、與《美國123》01/27/2024貼文),並不單單是因為我厭惡他;而是因為: 1) 整個過程不但是十幾二十堂活生生的法律課,它們也顯示了:「法權」和「三權分立」的實際運作(前文第3節;後文第1.2-2)小節);操作上一些精巧門道;以及兩者在維持社會穩定運作的不可或缺性。值得我們參考和借鏡。 2) 2024美國大選結果對今後10年的中國前景和世界局勢將有重大,甚至可能難以逆轉的影響。 就中國來說,川普再次進入白宮是天大的機緣。在這個「痞子+瘋子」主政下,美國綜合國力的優勢會急速和大幅降低;從而,兩岸「和平統一」的時程有希望提前。 在世界局勢上,川普再度上任後最大的危險是烏克蘭失守;接下來,歐洲安全或呈現骨牌效應;或德、法、意、和波蘭等國決定背水一戰,引發21世紀的第一次歐戰或世界大戰。 後記: 由於本欄的報導/評論/分析篇數越來越多,所以我依例加了這篇《開欄文(補增)》; 12/20/23刊出的第一篇文章只得重新發表一次。造成不便,懇請見諒。-- 02/16/24
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聯邦最高法院拒絕聽取川普「封口費案」 -- John Kruzel
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美國聯邦最高法院大法官們再無恥,也不敢公然表演兩次「吹喇叭」美國聯邦最高法院大法官們再無恥,也不敢公然表演兩次「吹喇叭」(此詞請參見本欄上一篇文章的附註1)。台灣的法官們有些就不好說了。 US Supreme Court declines to halt Trump's sentencing in hush money case John Kruzel, 08/06/24 WASHINGTON (Reuters) -The U.S. Supreme Court on Monday rejected a bid by the state of Missouri to halt Donald Trump's upcoming sentencing for his conviction in New York on felony charges involving hush money paid to a porn star and left a related gag order until after the Nov. 5 presidential election. The decision by the justices came in response to Missouri's lawsuit claiming that the case against Trump infringed on the right of voters under the U.S. Constitution to hear from the Republican presidential nominee as he seeks to regain the White House. The Supreme Court's order was unsigned. Conservative Justices Clarence Thomas and Samuel Alito indicated they would have taken up Missouri's case but added that they "would not grant other relief." Trump was found guilty in May of falsifying business records to cover up a $130,000 payment to porn star Stormy Daniels in exchange for her silence before the 2016 U.S. election about a sexual encounter she has said she had with Trump years earlier. Prosecutors have said the payment was designed help Trump's chances in the 2016 election, when he defeated Democrat Hillary Clinton. Trump, the Republican candidate in this year's election, denies having had sex with Daniels and has vowed to appeal his conviction after his sentencing, scheduled for September. Missouri's Republican Attorney General Andrew Bailey filed a July 3 lawsuit against New York state asking the Supreme Court to pause Trump's impending sentencing and the gag order placed on him by New York state judge Juan Merchan. Legal disputes between states are filed directly to the Supreme Court. Bailey argued that the criminal case against Trump violated the right of Missouri residents under the Constitution's First Amendment to "hear from and vote for their preferred presidential candidate." "Instead of letting presidential candidates campaign on their own merits, radical progressives in New York are trying to rig the 2024 election by waging a direct attack on our democratic process," Bailey said in bringing the case. Republican attorneys general from Florida, Iowa, Montana and Alaska filed a Supreme Court brief in support of Missouri's lawsuit. Trump also faces federal and state criminal charges involving his efforts to undo his 2020 election loss to Joe Biden. The Supreme Court in a July 1 ruling powered by its 6-3 conservative majority granted Trump substantial criminal immunity for actions taken in office. It all but ensured Trump would not face trial in the federal election subversion case before the election. Trump's lawyers promptly invoked the immunity ruling in a bid to toss the hush money verdict. They said prosecutors improperly relied on social media posts made in 2018 by Trump when he was serving as president that qualified as official communications. The judge in the case said he would rule on Trump's arguments by Sept. 6. Merchan said that if he upholds the conviction, he would sentence Trump on Sept. 18. A New York state appeals court last week rejected Trump's challenge to his gag order. The decision by the Appellate Division in Manhattan means Trump, who has called all the criminal cases against him politically motivated, cannot comment publicly about individual prosecutors and others in the case until his sentencing. (Reporting by John Kruzel; Editing by Scott Malone)
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聯邦最高法院關於總統免責權裁決 -- A. D. RICHER 等
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我不是法學家,但用膝蓋想,也看得出做這個決定的大法官們,不過是一群「三客流」而已(1)。 附註: 1. 這是我十多年前在網上論政時常用的詞彙。由於過了一段時間,在此重做解說。 「三客流」:擦客、舔客、吹客三種人的合稱;個別的意思則是: 擦:擦屁股 舔:舔屁股(ass-kissing) 吹:吹喇叭(cock sucking);《素女經》中稱此動作為「吹簫」。 What to know about the Supreme Court immunity ruling in Trump’s 2020 election interference case ALANNA DURKIN RICHER, ERIC TUCKER AND MICHAEL KUNZELMAN, 07/02/24 WASHINGTON (AP) — The Supreme Court’s ruling Monday in former President Donald Trump’s 2020 election interference case makes it all but certain that the Republican will not face trial in Washington ahead of the November election. The Supreme Court did not dismiss — as Trump had wanted — the indictment alleging he illegally schemed to cling to power after he lost to President Joe Biden. But the ruling still amounts to a major victory for the presumptive Republican presidential nominee, whose legal strategy has focused on delaying the proceedings until after the election. The timing of the trial matters because if Trump defeats Biden, he could appoint an attorney general who would seek the dismissal of this case and the other federal prosecutions he faces. Or Trump could potentially order a pardon for himself. Trump posted in all capital letters on his social media network shortly after the decision was released: “BIG WIN FOR OUR CONSTITUTION AND DEMOCRACY. PROUD TO BE AN AMERICAN!” In remarks Monday evening, Biden said the court had done a “terrible disservice” to the American people, who he says deserved to know the outcome of the case before they head to the polls. “The American people will have to render a judgment about Donald Trump’s behavior,” Biden said. “The American people must decide whether Trump’s assault on our democracy on Jan. 6 makes him unfit for public office.” Here’s a look at the ruling and what comes next: THE OPINION The court’s conservative majority said former presidents have absolute immunity from prosecution for official acts that fall within their “exclusive sphere of constitutional authority” and are presumptively entitled to immunity for all official acts. They do not enjoy immunity for unofficial, or private, actions. The ruling means that special counsel Jack Smith cannot proceed with significant allegations in the indictment — or must at least defend their use in future proceedings before the trial judge. The justices, for instance, wiped out Smith’s use of allegations that Trump tried to use the investigative power of the Justice Department to undo the election results, holding that his communications with agency officials is plainly protected from prosecution. The justices sent the case back to U.S. District Judge Tanya Chutkan, who must now “carefully analyze” whether other allegations involve official conduct for which the president would be immune from prosecution. Among the issues for further analysis is Trump’s relentless badgering of then-Vice President Mike Pence to not certify the electoral votes on Jan. 6, 2021. The justices said it was “ultimately the Government’s burden to rebut the presumption of immunity” in Trump’s interactions with Pence. The order also directed additional analysis on the various posts on X, then known as Twitter, that Trump made — as well as a speech he delivered to supporters — in the run-up to the riot at the U.S. Capitol. Determining whether that communication represents official versus unofficial acts, the justices said, “may depend on the content and context of each” and thus needs more scrutiny. THE FAKE ELECTORS SCHEME The justices required fresh fact-finding on one of the more stunning allegations in the indictment — that Trump had participated in a scheme orchestrated by allies to enlist slates of fraudulent electors in battleground states won by Biden who would falsely attest that Trump had won in those states. The Trump team had argued that the selection of alternate electors was in keeping with Trump’s presidential interest in the integrity and proper administration of the federal elections and cited as precedent an episode he said took place in the disputed election in 1876. The Smith team, by contrast, portrayed the scheme as a purely private action that implicated no presidential responsibility. The conservative justices in their majority opinion didn’t answer the question as to which side was right, instead saying that “determining whose characterization may be correct, and with respect to which conduct, requires a close analysis of the indictment’s extensive and interrelated allegations.” Unlike Trump’s interactions with the Justice Department, the justices said, “this alleged conduct cannot be neatly categorized as falling within a particular Presidential function. The necessary analysis is instead fact specific, requiring assessment of numerous alleged interactions with a wide variety of state officials and private persons.” THE DISSENTERS The three liberal justices — Sonia Sotomayor, Elena Kagan and Ketanji Brown Jackson — sharply criticized the majority’s opinion in scathing dissents. Sotomayor gave a dramatic speech as she read her dissent from the bench, at times shaking her head and gritting her teeth as she said the conservative majority wrongly insulated the U.S. president as “a king above the law.” “Ironic isn’t it? The man in charge of enforcing laws can now just break them,” Sotomayor said. The dissenting justices said the majority decision makes presidents immune from prosecution for acts such as ordering Navy seals to assassinate a political rival, organizing a military coup to hold onto power or accepting a bribe in exchange for a pardon. “Even if these nightmare scenarios never play out, and I pray they never do, the damage has been done. The relationship between the President and the people he serves has shifted irrevocably. In every use of official power, the President is now a king above the law,” Sotomayor wrote.
People protest outside the Supreme Court Monday, July 1, 2024, in Washington. (AP Photo/Mariam Zuhaib) In a separate dissenting opinion, Jackson said the majority’s ruling “breaks new and dangerous ground.” “Stated simply: The Court has now declared for the first time in history that the most powerful official in the United States can (under circumstances yet to be fully determined) become a law unto himself,” Jackson wrote. The majority opinion accused the liberal justices of “fear mongering” and striking a “tone of chilling doom that is wholly disproportionate to what the court actually does today.” WHAT COMES NEXT The case will now go back to Chutkan. The trial was supposed to have begun in March, but the case has been on hold since December to allow Trump to pursue his appeal. Chutkan had indicated at that time she would likely give the two sides at least three months to get ready for trial once the case returns to her court. That had left the door open to the case potentially going to trial before the election if the Supreme Court — like the lower courts — had ruled that Trump was not immune from prosecution. But the Supreme Court’s ruling that Chutkan must conduct further analysis is expected tie the case up for months with legal wrangling over whether the actions in the indictment were official or unofficial. TRUMP’S OTHER CASES Trump was convicted in May of 34 felony counts in his hush money trial in New York and is scheduled to be sentenced on July 11. The falsifying business records charges are punishable by up to four years behind bars, but there’s no guarantee Trump will get prison time. Other possibilities include fines or probation. It seems almost certain that Trump’s two other criminal cases will not go to trial before the election. An appeals court recently halted Trump’s Georgia 2020 election interference case while it reviews the lower court judge’s ruling allowing Fulton County District Attorney Fani Willis to remain on the case. No trial date had been set in that case. Trump’s lawyers have asserted presidential immunity in that case, though there’s been no ruling. Trump was supposed to stand trial starting in May in the other case brought by Smith, over classified documents found at Trump’s Mar-a-Lago estate after he left the White House. But U.S. District Judge Aileen Cannon canceled the trial date as the case got bogged down with legal issues. She has yet to schedule a new one. That case, too, involves a claim by the Trump team of immunity that prosecutors have disputed. Last week, Cannon set the stage further delays by agreeing to revisit a ruling by another judge that permitted crucial evidence related to allegations of obstruction of justice by Trump to be introduced into the case. One of the arguments Cannon has entertained — that Smith was illegally appointed and that the case should be dismissed — got little traction with the Supreme Court.
A separate concurrence from Justice Clarence Thomas concluded that Smith’s appointment was improper, but no other justice signed onto that. Associated Press reporters Michelle L. Price in New York, Kate Brumback in Atlanta and Stephen Groves in Washington contributed. ALANNA DURKIN RICHER Richer is an Associated Press reporter covering the Justice Department and legal issues from Washington. ERIC TUCKER Tucker covers national security in Washington for The Associated Press, with a focus on the FBI and Justice Department and the special counsel cases against former President Donald Trump.
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老美沒那麼笨:川普偽造商業紀錄被判罪 –---- C. Chandler/D. Knowles
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此之謂:「上得山多終遇虎」;還是:「不是不報;時候未到」?請參看本欄上一篇貼文。 Trump found guilty on all 34 counts of falsifying business records. Here's a breakdown. Chanelle Chandler/David Knowles, 05/31/24 A New York jury unanimously found Donald Trump guilty on 34 felony counts of falsifying business records, a stunning conclusion to the historic trial of the former president. Manhattan District Attorney Alvin Bragg had brought charges against Trump stemming from his $130,000 payment during the 2016 presidential campaign to adult film actress Stormy Daniels. That payment, Daniels testified, was intended to buy her silence, and prosecutors argued that Trump sought to hide it from voters. During the trial, Michael Cohen, Trump’s former lawyer, testified that he paid Daniels on behalf of Trump and that he worked out a reimbursement arrangement with the Trump Organization. With no legal retainer agreement in place, Cohen said he submitted monthly $35,000 invoices for expenses totaling $420,000, which included the $130,000 payment to Daniels. These invoices, checks and other financial documents were among the evidence that prosecutors claim proved Trump had falsified business records in order to cover up the hush money payment (封口費). Below are the 34 counts, as listed by the DA’s office, and the jury's verdict on each one. 下略
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川普封口費案陪審團遴選過程 – 美聯社記者群
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Jury selection in Trump hush money trial faces pivotal stretch as former president returns to court
MICHAEL R. SISAK/JENNIFER PELTZ/ERIC TUCKER/JAKE OFFENHARTZ, 04/18/24
WASHINGTON (AP) — Jury selection in the hush money trial of Donald Trump enters a pivotal and potentially final stretch Thursday as lawyers look to round out the panel of New Yorkers that will decide the first-ever criminal case against a former president.
Seven jurors have been picked so far, including an oncology nurse, a software engineer, an information technology professional, a sales professional, an English teacher and two lawyers. Eleven more people must still be sworn in, with the judge saying he anticipated opening statements in the landmark case to be given as early as next week.
The seating of the Manhattan jury — whenever it comes — will be a seminal moment in the case, setting the stage for a trial that will place the former president's legal jeopardy at the heart of the campaign against Democrat Joe Biden and feature potentially unflattering testimony about Trump's private life in the years before he became president.
The process of picking a jury is a critical phase of any criminal trial but especially so when the defendant is a former president and the presumptive Republican nominee. Prospective jurors have been grilled on their social media posts, personal lives and political views as the lawyers and judge search for biases that would prevent them from being impartial. Inside the court, there's broad acknowledgment of the futility in trying to find jurors without knowledge of Trump, with a prosecutor this week saying that lawyers were not looking for people who had been “living under a rock for the past eight years.”
To that end, at least some of the jurors selected acknowledged having their own opinions about Trump.
“I find him fascinating and mysterious," one juror selected for the case, an IT professional, said under questioning. “He walks into a room and he sets people off, one way or the other. I find that really interesting. ‘Really? This one guy could do all of this? Wow.’ That’s what I think.”
The process has moved swifter than expected, prompting Trump when leaving the courthouse on Tuesday to complain to reporters that the judge, Juan Merchan, was “rushing” the trial.
The case centers on a $130,000 payment that Trump's lawyer and personal fixer, Michael Cohen, made shortly before the 2016 election to porn actor Stormy Daniels to prevent her claims of a sexual encounter with Trump from becoming public in the race's final days.
Prosecutors say Trump obscured the true nature of the payments in internal records when his company reimbursed Cohen, who pleaded guilty to federal charges in 2018 and is expected to be a star witness for the prosecution.
Trump has denied having a sexual encounter with Daniels, and his lawyers argue the payments to Cohen were legitimate legal expenses.
Trump faces 34 felony counts of falsifying business records. He could face up to four years in prison if convicted, though it's not clear that the judge would opt to put him behind bars. Trump would almost certainly appeal any conviction.
The hush money case is one of four criminal prosecutions Trump is confronting as he vies to reclaim the White House, but it's possible that it will be the sole case to reach trial before November's presidential election. Appeals and other legal wrangling have caused delays in cases charging Trump with plotting to overturn the 2020 election results and with illegally hoarding classified documents.
Tucker reported from Washington.
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聯邦最高法院就川普「候選人資格案」做出裁定-Kate Murphy
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Supreme Court rules Trump cannot be kicked off Colorado primary ballot The unanimous decision comes just a day before voters head to the polls for Super Tuesday. Kate Murphy, 03/05/24 Former President Donald Trump was handed a major victory on Monday when the U.S. Supreme Court ruled that he cannot be excluded from Colorado's primary election ballot over his actions surrounding the Jan. 6, 2021, attack on the U.S. Capitol. "BIG WIN FOR AMERICA!!!" Trump wrote on Truth Social, his social media platform.
The former president had appealed the Colorado Supreme Court's decision to disqualify him under the so-called insurrection clause of the U.S. Constitution.
The unanimous decision came just one day before Colorado voters head to the polls on Super Tuesday. Here’s what to know about the ruling. What the ruling said "Because the Constitution makes Congress, rather than the States, responsible for enforcing Section 3 against federal officeholders and candidates, we reverse," the justices wrote. It’s the first time the Supreme Court has weighed in on the insurrection clause, as the post-Civil War era provision was enacted in 1868 to prevent former Confederates from becoming a member of Congress or being elected to other offices. It’s also the biggest case related to the presidential election that the high court has weighed in on since the 2000 election in Bush v. Gore. What the liberal justices said While the court's three liberal justices Elena Kagan, Sonia Sotomayor and Ketanji Brown Jackson concurred with the judgment, they disagreed with the conservative majority's rationale, saying it was unnecessary and went to far: "The majority announces that a disqualification for insurrection can occur only when Congress enacts a particular kind of legislation pursuant to Section 5 of the Fourteenth Amendment," Kagan, Sotomayor and Jackson wrote. "In doing so, the majority shuts the door on other potential means of federal enforcement. We cannot join an opinion that decides momentous and difficult issues unnecessarily, and we therefore concur only in the judgment." What the ruling means The highly anticipated ruling provides clarity as to who will appear on the ballot — not just for voters in Colorado on the eve they head to the polls on Super Tuesday, but also in Illinois and Maine, where voters had also petitioned for Trump to be disqualified from the ballot in those states, also citing the insurrection clause. How we got here The case, known as Trump v. Anderson, centers on a so-called insurrection clause of the U.S. Constitution, formally known as Section 3 of the 14th Amendment. It prohibits officials who have previously sworn an oath to uphold the Constitution from holding government office if they engage in insurrection. Colorado voters argued that Trump did engage in insurrection on Jan. 6 and therefore should be disqualified from holding office under Section 3. Trump, however, has not been explicitly charged with “insurrection” in any of the four criminal cases in which he has been indicted. Read the full Supreme Court ruling (請至原網頁查看裁定文) Download this PDF
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川普免責權之聯邦大法官「紹興師爺」筆法 -- Areeba Shah
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請參見本欄02/16/2024貼文。 Legal expert identifies "three very important clues" on how Supreme Court may rule on Trump immunity Areeba Shah, 03/02/24 The U.S. Supreme Court is set to hear oral arguments in April in a significant case determining whether former President Donald Trump is immune from federal criminal prosecution in the Jan. 6, 2021, election interference case against him. The court agreed on Wednesday to consider the immunity claim, marking a short-term victory for the former president, who has attempted to delay the criminal case charging him with plotting to subvert the 2020 presidential election. The trial, which was initially scheduled to begin in early March in Washington D.C., could be delayed until late summer or fall — or even after Election Day. The Supreme Court indicated in a one-page order that during the week of April 22, it will address a legal question that has not been previously tested: "Whether and if so to what extent does a former President enjoy presidential immunity from criminal prosecution for conduct alleged to involve official acts during his tenure in office." The question presented was “clearly heavily negotiated” among the justices, Norman Eisen, a senior fellow at the Brookings Institution and CNN legal analyst, told Salon. It's not the question that either of the parties presented. “My reading is that there are three very important clues in the question presented that show that the justices are as skeptical about, frankly, the astonishing idea that a president can commit political assassinations as part of his official acts and escape accountability unless he's impeached and convicted, which has never happened to a president in American history,” Eisen said. The court adopted the circuit court's “narrowing principle” of only ruling on former presidents, simplifying the case's assessment against Trump because they don't have to reach the “harder question” of a sitting president with the “additional constitutional and other protections that a current president enjoys.” They ask “whether” and “to what extent” the immunity applies to official acts, Eisen explained. When you have a situation like that, where the overwhelming balance of the acts is “clearly political, I read that to signal of if you have some extent of officiallness, but it doesn't predominate, that's not going to be enough," he said. The third clue is the keyword “allegedly” as it points to the allegations in the case which are contained within the indictment, Eisen pointed out. This suggests that the justices can deliberate on this matter solely based on legal documentation, without the need for an evidentiary hearing. “Those are just clues,” he added. “We may be misreading the clues or learn something different later, but those are the clues embedded in the question presented.” The court would need to take “the narrowest possible approach” to this question, Bennett Gershman, a former New York prosecutor and law professor at Pace University, told Salon. A “broad approach” would require the court to provide convincing reasons for cases with “terrifying implications” like immunity for ordering the assassination of a White House official about to expose Trump taking bribes for pardons, ordering the kidnapping of a senator about to vote on legislation Trump opposes and “many more of these horrendous hypotheticals.” Since this is the first time a former president is facing criminal charges, this is a novel matter for the Supreme Court to consider. The final decision could establish guidelines not only for Trump but also for the conduct of any future president. Trump and his attorneys have largely argued that his actions to overturn the 2020 election results were part of his presidential duties so subjecting him to a criminal trial would create concerns for future presidents about facing prosecution for their official actions. This could potentially limit their ability to issue decisions in the public's interest, his team argued. Lower courts have dismissed Trump's assertion of immunity in this case. U.S. District Court Judge Tanya Chutkan, the judge in the federal election interference case, ruled that former presidents can face prosecution for "any criminal acts undertaken while in office." The U.S. Court of Appeals for the District of Columbia Circuit ruled along similar lines last month, delivering a strong and unanimous opinion asserting that “Former President Trump has become citizen Trump, with all of the defenses of any other criminal defendant.” This aligns with special counsel Jack Smith’s stance, whose office argues that there is no legal foundation for presidential immunity since the actions Trump is accused of are not considered part of a president's official responsibilities. Trump heavily relies on a 1982 ruling, Nixon v. Fitzgerald, which dealt with presidential immunity in a civil lawsuit involving Nixon, NBC News reported. In that case, the court ruled that presidents are immune when their conduct falls within the "outer perimeter" of their official duties. However, Smith contends that this ruling pertained to a civil case, not a criminal one, potentially limiting how it's applied. The Court of Appeals “refused” to extend Fitzgerald to the actions surrounding January 6, arguing both that there is no absolute immunity and that the January 6 actions were not official acts, David Schultz, professor of political science at Hamline University, told Salon. “I would be surprised if the Supreme Court actually reversed on this, but I would not be surprised if it throws the question back to a lower court,” Schultz said. “It may continue to say that there is no absolute immunity for nonofficial acts, but that whether January 6 constitutes an official act is a matter for a jury to decide.” Such a decision might require a separate lower court decision or it could be incorporated into the criminal case and heard by the jury, he added. The latter might not cause too much delay and a trial could still happen late summer or early fall. While the Nixon v. Fitzgerald case will be considered, criminal cases are “vastly different” and are often seen as involving considerations concerning public safety and the rule of law that civil cases concerning "private grievances" do not address, Gershman explained. Most of the protections in the Bill of Rights involve criminal cases, not civil cases. “If you grant complete insulation from criminal accountability … and that goes into the mix with all of these autocratic and even dictatorial aspirations that Trump and his allies are articulating, it has the potential to transform the rule of law in America and how it would act,” Eisen said. “So, it fits into a context of a much more dangerous pattern of threatened behavior. The Supreme Court must slam the door on that.”
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川普逃避詐欺罪處分的花招 -- T. G. Moukawsher
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請注意倒數第二、三兩段;尤其是倒數第二段所闡述的「法律兩難情勢下的人本立場」(請使用原文中的超連接)。此處可參考「法學基礎論的人本立場」。 Trump has one trick up his sleeve to dodge crushing NY fraud judgment How Donald Trump runs rings around the robed ones (川普和法官們玩躲貓貓) Thomas G. Moukawsher, 02/17/24 Donald Trump’s whole life has prepared him, not for the presidency, but for this moment—beset by lawsuits and criminal charges in court. Some calculations show he filed over 3,500 lawsuits over the years. He knows the vulnerabilities of our legal system and is having no trouble exploiting them. He hasn’t needed much help in Florida. He appears to have a willing ally in Judge Aileen Cannon in the secret documents case who, so far, has either ruled in Trump’s favor or, in ruling against him, has left the door open to giving Trump what he wants later. What Trump wants is delay. Judge Cannon is likely to give it to him. In Washington, Trump claims that he is so immune from criminal responsibility that he could have used Seal Team Six to assassinate his political opponents without consequences. Trump has bought himself time with this issue, including asking for more time to petition the Supreme Court. If he fails on this issue, you can expect a series of other claims—each one holding things up. In Georgia, Trump’s seedy collaboration with the National Enquirer has combined with his connoisseurship of the courtroom to deliver us a Jerry Springer Show moment with Trump and his allies examining the love life of District Attorney Fani Willis on live television. Once again, Trump has come out a winner, smothering the main event and making Willis, Judge Scott McAfee, and the judicial system look ridiculous. And most ridiculous of all, the first criminal case against Trump going to trial is the case about his payoff to a porn star. Manhattan District Attorney, Alvin Bragg claims Trump falsified business records and disguised a campaign contribution by paying hush money about an affair. More silliness, more salaciousness. More distraction from what matters: the allegation that Donald Trump, president of the United States, attempted by fraud, coercion, and a violent attack on the United States Capitol to overthrow the democratically elected government of our country. And if you think Trump at least faced the music in his New York civil fraud case with Justice Arthur Engoron’s ruling ordering Trump to pay $355 million in penalties, think again. The case is far from over. Trump will stall the case, diddle the docket, drag out the appeal, appeal from the appeals court, and, if he becomes cornered resort to another trick he has considerable experience with—he will declare bankruptcy. It doesn’t have to be this way, but deeply engrained formalism in court plays right into Trump’s hands. When in doubt, judges delay. When there is a claim, however frivolous and intentionally dilatory, it must receive the same slow service as every other claim at the courthouse window. While the idea of due process is the constitutional promise of a meaningful hearing at a meaningful time, too many judges prefer the appearance of fairness that long delays promise but don’t deliver. Too many times, justice delayed is justice denied, but judges in our contemporary system simply aren’t set up to do it any other way, and Trump and other courthouse cognoscenti know how to exploit it. Instead of exalting form over substance, courts should recognize the humanism of legal dilemmas and focus on it. That is, every case in court has a human heart. A value against lying, cheating, stealing, violence or what have you is in play and the fate of real people are on the line. When the parties’ claims and not the process is the focus, courts can push aside obstacles and achieve substantial justice. Parties can be ordered to make all their legal challenges to a case at the same time to keep them from dribbling out and causing long delays. Judge McAfee should have ruled on whether a hypothetical relationship between prosecutors would have anything to do with Donald Trump before allowing a circus about it. The upper courts should see Donald Trump coming and rule fairly and quickly on his claims in New York. The courts should try Trump’s attempted takedown of democracy before they put on a show about a payoff to a porn star. American courts are in the spotlight. Trump’s opponents can be grateful that he may face justice someday, but not one of the cases against him will be over before the election.
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川普因謊報財產被罰款 – M. R. Sisak/J. Offenhartz/J. Pelts
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Donald Trump fraud verdict: $364 million penalty in New York civil case MICHAEL R. SISAK, JAKE OFFENHARTZ and JENNIFER PELTZ, 02/17/24 NEW YORK (AP) — A New York judge ruled Friday against Donald Trump, imposing a $364 million penalty over what the judge ruled was a yearslong scheme to dupe banks and others with financial statements that inflated the former president’s wealth. Trump also was barred from serving as an officer or director of any New York corporation for three years. However, the judge backed away from an earlier ruling that would have dissolved the former president’s companies. Trump's lawyers vowed to appeal. Attorney Alina Habba called the verdict “manifest injustice" and “the culmination of a multi-year, politically fueled witch hunt." She and Trump lawyer Christopher Kise said the verdict, if upheld, would damage the business environment. Judge Arthur Engoron issued his decision after a 2½-month trial that saw the Republican presidential front-runner bristling under oath that he was the victim of a rigged legal system. Engoron concluded that Trump and his co-defendants “failed to accept responsibility” for their actions and that expert witnesses who testified for the defense “simply denied reality.” The judge called the civil fraud at the heart of the trial a “venial sin, not a mortal sin.”
“They did not rob a bank at gunpoint. Donald Trump is not Bernard Madoff. Yet, defendants are incapable of admitting the error of their ways,” wrote Engoron, a Democrat. He said their “complete lack of contrition and remorse borders on pathological.” The stiff penalty was a victory for New York Attorney General Letitia James, a Democrat, who sued Trump over what she said was not just harmless bragging but years of deceptive practices as he built the multinational collection of skyscrapers, golf courses and other properties that catapulted him to wealth, fame and the White House. Trump’s lawyers had said even before the verdict that they would appeal. James sued Trump in 2022 under a state law that authorizes her to investigate persistent fraud in business dealings. The suit accused Trump and his co-defendants of routinely puffing up his financial statements to create an illusion his properties were more valuable than they really were. State lawyers said Trump exaggerated his wealth by as much as $3.6 billion one year. By making himself seem richer, Trump qualified for better loan terms, saved on interest and was able to complete projects he might otherwise not have finished, state lawyers said. Even before the trial began, Engoron ruled that James had proven Trump’s financial statements were fraudulent. The judge ordered some of Trump’s companies removed from his control and dissolved. An appeals court put that decision on hold. In that earlier ruling, the judge found that, among other tricks, Trump’s financial statements had wrongly claimed his Trump Tower penthouse was nearly three times its actual size and overvalued his Mar-a-Lago estate in Palm Beach, Florida, based on the idea that the property could be developed for residential use, even though he had surrendered rights to develop it for any uses but a club. Trump, one of 40 witnesses to testify at the trial, said his financial statements actually understated his net worth and that banks did their own research and were happy with his business. “There was no victim. There was no anything,” Trump testified in November. During the trial, Trump called the judge “extremely hostile” and the attorney general “a political hack.” In a six-minute diatribe during closing arguments in January, Trump proclaimed “I am an innocent man” and called the case a “fraud on me.” Trump and his lawyers have said the outside accountants that helped prepare the statements should’ve flagged any discrepancies and that the documents came with disclaimers that shielded him from liability. They also argued that some of the allegations were barred by the statute of limitations. The suit is one of many legal headaches for Trump as he campaigns for a return to the White House. He has been indicted four times in the last year — accused in Georgia and Washington, D.C., of plotting to overturn his 2020 election loss to Democrat Joe Biden, in Florida of hoarding classified documents, and in Manhattan of falsifying business records related to hush money paid to porn actor Stormy Daniels on his behalf. On Thursday, a judge confirmed Trump’s hush-money trial will start on March 25 and a judge in Atlanta heard arguments on whether to remove Fulton County District Attorney Fani Willis from his Georgia election interference case because she had a personal relationship with a special prosecutor she hired. Those criminal accusations haven’t appeared to undermine his march toward the Republican presidential nomination, but civil litigation has threatened him financially. On Jan. 26, a jury ordered Trump to pay $83.3 million to writer E. Jean Carroll for defaming her after she accused him in 2019 of sexually assaulting her in a Manhattan department store in the 1990s. That’s on top of the $5 million a jury awarded Carroll in a related trial last year. In 2022, the Trump Organization was convicted of tax fraud and fined $1.6 million in an unrelated criminal case for helping executives dodge taxes on extravagant perks such as Manhattan apartments and luxury cars. James had asked the judge to impose a penalty of at least $370 million. Engoron decided the case because neither side sought a jury and state law doesn’t allow for juries for this type of lawsuit. Because it was civil, not criminal in nature, the case did not carry the potential of prison time. James, who campaigned for office as a Trump critic and watchdog, started scrutinizing his business practices in March 2019 after his former personal lawyer Michael Cohen testified to Congress that Trump exaggerated his wealth on financial statements provided to Deutsche Bank while trying to obtain financing to buy the NFL’s Buffalo Bills. James’ office previously sued Trump for misusing his own charitable foundation to further his political and business interests. Trump was ordered to pay $2 million to an array of charities as a fine and the charity, the Trump Foundation, was shut down. Trump incorporated the Trump Organization in New York in 1981. He still owns it, but he put his assets into a revocable trust and gave up his positions as the company’s director, president and chairman when he became president, leaving management of the company to sons Eric and Donald Trump Jr. Trump did not return to a stated leadership position upon leaving the White House in 2021, but his sons testified he’s been involved in some decision making. Engoron had already appointed a monitor, retired federal judge Barbara Jones, to keep an eye on the company.
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科州最高法院取消川普該州總統初選候選人資格 - David Knowles
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這是個大新聞。不論美國的司法系統和民主制度有多少缺失和問題;這個決定是「法權」的典範。「法權」一詞亦可譯為「依法意治理」,通譯為「法治」。 最後的判定當然在美國聯邦最高法院九位大法官的腦中。拭目以待這個懸疑劇(本文原刊登於12/20/23)。
Trump legal news brief: In landmark ruling, Colorado Supreme Court removes Trump from ballot Yahoo News' succinct daily update on the criminal and civil cases against the 45th president of the United States. David Knowles·Senior Editor, 12/20/23 Setting up an appeal before the highest court in the land, the Colorado Supreme Court issues a landmark ruling to remove former President Donald Trump’s name from state ballots based on its reading of Section 3 of the 14th Amendment of the U.S. Constitution. (下略) Jan. 6 election interference Colorado Supreme Court blocks Trump from appearing on ballot
Key players: Colorado Supreme Court, Citizens for Responsibility and Ethics in Washington (CREW) * In a 4-3 ruling Tuesday, the court voted to remove Trump from presidential primary ballots, the Associated Press reported. * The decision was based on its reading of Section 3 of the 14th Amendment to the U.S. Constitution, which bars those who have “engaged in insurrection” from holding office. * “A majority of the court holds that Trump is disqualified from holding the office of president under Section 3 of the 14th Amendment,” the ruling states. * But the court also stayed its ruling until Jan. 4, giving Trump’s lawyers time to appeal the decision to the U.S. Supreme court in the case brought by CREW on behalf of Colorado voters. * A lower court judge had ruled that while Trump had “engaged in an insurrection” stemming from his actions to overturn his 2020 presidential election loss to Joe Biden, it was not clear that Section 3 applied to the presidency. * The Colorado Supreme court ruled that it did. * Other state courts are also hearing 14th Amendment challenges to Trump’s inclusion on ballots. Why it matters: The U.S. Supreme Court’s ruling will ultimately settle the question of whether Trump is entitled to seek the presidency again following his actions leading up to the Jan. 6, 2021, riot at the U.S. Capitol building. (下略)
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川普暫時放棄向聯邦最高法院上訴「免責權」裁定-K. Cheney/J. Gerstein
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Trump permits Jan. 6-related lawsuits against him to advance — for now Kyle Cheney and Josh Gerstein, 02/16/24 Donald Trump is passing up the chance to add a fourth case to a trio of Trump-related appeals already stacked up at the Supreme Court. Trump elected not to ask the justices to reverse a federal appeals court ruling issued in December rejecting his claim that presidents have absolute immunity from being sued for actions taken while they are in office. That means at least three lawsuits brought against him in the aftermath of the Jan. 6 attack on the Capitol can advance to the next phase — a period of limited evidence-gathering related to Trump’s activities on Jan. 6, 2021 and whether they were official or political in nature. The lawsuits — brought by members of Congress and police officers scarred by the attack — have been pending since 2021 but delayed amid Trump’s bid for the courts to declare him immune from lawsuits related to his actions as president. For now, that means a Washington, D.C., appeals court ruling that found Trump could be sued for his role in stoking the violence on Jan. 6 will stand. The unanimous ruling of the three-judge panel, which included a Trump-nominated judge, concluded that Trump’s remarks to supporters on Jan. 6 appeared to be delivered in his capacity as a candidate for reelection — not in his official capacity as president. But the decision from the D.C. Circuit Court of Appeals did not totally slam the door on Trump attempting to prove that the event was official. Under an agreement with the plaintiffs in those cases, Trump had a Thursday deadline to halt the effect of the appeals court decision by filing an appeal with the Supreme Court. None was filed as of Thursday evening, and his aides indicated none was expected. But Trump’s allies say he is leaving the door open to reviving a challenge to the ruling later in the process. He could try another appeal after the next round of fact-finding is complete, and the trial judge issues another ruling on whether the cases can proceed. “President Trump will continue to fight for Presidential Immunity across the spectrum,” said Steven Cheung, a spokesperson for Trump’s 2024 presidential campaign. Even without the civil immunity fight, the Supreme Court is already dealing with a trio of cases that could have a major impact on Trump and his political viability. Last week, the justices spent more than two hours hearing arguments about whether to uphold or overturn a Colorado Supreme Court decision that Trump is ineligible to appear on the ballot because his actions related to Jan. 6 rendered him an insurrectionist. The U.S. Supreme Court has also agreed to hear a case that from another Jan. 6 criminal defendant that has the potential to knock out two of four charges Trump faces in the election-subversion indictment prosecutors obtained against him last year. And the justices could discuss at a conference Friday whether to keep that trial on hold while they consider Trump’s claim that former presidents enjoy broad immunity from criminal prosecution over matters even tangentially related to their official duties. Though Trump’s bid for criminal immunity carries more urgent and immediate stakes, the fight over whether he can face financial penalties for the same events has been pending significantly longer. Nearly two years ago, U.S. District Court Judge Amit Mehta rejected Trump’s bid to wield presidential immunity to dismiss several of the suits stemming from Jan. 6. Mehta said Trump’s speech at the Ellipse might have ordinarily been protected by the First Amendment. However, the judge said indications that Trump knew about weapons in the crowd or other imminent threats of violence meant it was possible Trump’s actions and remarks taken as a whole might not be protected political speech. “From these alleged facts, it is at least plausible to infer that, when he called on rally-goers to march to the Capitol, the President did so with the goal of disrupting lawmakers’ efforts to certify the Electoral College votes,” Mehta wrote, an appointee of President Barack Obama. “The Oath Keepers, the Proud Boys, and others who forced their way into the Capitol building plainly shared in that unlawful goal.”
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