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維拉米爾先生此文的要點(請見本欄第2篇文章)

1) 
克洪以法國(和歐洲)利益為優先考量;不是以美國利益為優先。
2) 
歐洲人來說,俄國是嚴重和直接的威脅;而中國不是。
3) 
中國日益強大法國和歐洲自然需要與其交好。
4) 
站在法國和歐洲的立場,馬克洪對中國的看法沒有錯。
5) 
大多數歐洲人同意克洪的主張。

(
以上排列不是依照原文論述展開的次序)

維拉米爾先生的觀點支持我在《新保守主義者的最後殘喘》評論一文中的兩個主張:

a. 
「判斷」是判斷者所持「立場」的函數;法國總統的主張通常與美國總統和美國政論家的主張有別。
b. 
「政治」一定要以個人和/或國家的「利益」為基礎

我在另一篇文中曾提到:所謂「立場」通常由一個人的「(個人)利益」或所屬群體的「利益」來決定。後者涉及到「認同」和「自我定位」的議題。它們是近年來政治論述與文化研究這兩個領域的熱門話題,需要專文討論。

順帶一提的是:談「認同」和「自我定位」又免不了要討論馬克斯提出的「虛偽意識」;這個概念我認為翻譯成「錯誤意識」或「意識錯亂」比較信,達



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馬克洪的中國政策沒有錯 ---- Juan P. Villasmil
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Macron Is Not Wrong About China, the U.S. Should Worry

Juan P. Villasmil, 09/11/23

Not so long ago, following French President Emmanuel Macron’s Beijing visit, many in the U.S. reacted to his expressed desire to avoid confrontation with China with indignation, labeling the leader a fool and a puppet.

Evidently, the backlash didn’t phase Macron. He doubled-down, saying that “being an ally does not mean being a vassal… [or] mean that we don't have the right to think for ourselves.” When it comes to responding to fluctuating China-U.S. tensions, Macron believes that for Europe no response is the best response.

And as much as some Americans might wish he was wrong, he is not

Macron is not witless. He is making a case that prioritizes his country’s tangible interests, not the U.S.’s. These include focusing on his region, avoiding conflict with a major global power, and remaining a relevant actor in world affairs

Critics like The Spectator World’s John Pietro may label Macron’s call for European strategic autonomy “fantastical” and “unpopular,” but reality is not on their side. 

In fact, Macron’s view is very popular. According to the European Council on Foreign Relations, close to three-quarters of Europeans believe that the Continent should pursue increased independence vis-à-vis American military power. Additionally, the report shows that majorities in all surveyed countries believe that Europe should remain neutral in any conflict between China and the U.S. over Taiwan. 

Josep Borrell, High Representative of the European Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy, has repeatedly advocated for strategic autonomy too, as he publicly emphasizes his desire to strengthen relations between China and the EU. 

Three years ago, for instance, Borrell made the case for the framework exalted by Macron. “[T]he world has changed. It is difficult to claim to be a ‘political union’ able to act as a ‘global player’ […] without being ‘autonomous,’” Borrell explains. “[T]he weight of Europe in the world is shrinking,” he acknowledges, claiming that “[t]he next two decades are going to be crucial because China will use them to become the first global power.” With this in mind, the EU official concludes that “traditional alliances remain essential” but insufficient, and relations between countries will become “more transactional” as the power balance shifts.

Borrell looks at the changing world, and sees an opportunity to build a relationship with a powerful China, just like Macron does. For him, as for most Europeans, Russia poses a far more perilous threat than China. Much to some American neoconservatives’ disappointment, he sees no value in taking strong stances against China.

If the U.S. were to publicly and strongly reject Europe’s openness to China, Borrell may reconsider. But that has not happened. Hence, with precaution and measured language, Borrell and Europe writ large will likely continue to dance with both China and the U.S.

With eyes on Russia, it may seem like Europe and the U.S. have a phenomenal bond. When it comes to China though, that bond is not quite clear. So, while Americans’ gut reaction to Macron’s philosophy might be indignation, still, the U.S. must take Macron’s signals and framework seriously. Pretending he’s a lunatic simply won’t cut it.

Juan P. Villasmil is a foreign policy specialist. His work has been featured on The Wilson Center’s New Security Beat, The National Interest, RealClearWorld, and others. He is also a Young Voices contributor.


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