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《展望多邊主義與自由主義主導下的國際秩序》讀後
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以下國際政治評論》這篇正文中,並沒有它標題上的「自由主義擔綱下的國際秩序」一詞。我相信作者群的意思或她/他們對多邊主義(國際合作模式)的了解是:

所謂國際合作」不過是「大國分贓」的代名詞;用我的術語來說,即國際合作」乃「大國分贓」這塊「狗肉」的「羊頭

這裏不妨再度介紹我對「政治」的定義:「『政治』是爭取資源分配權的活動」。明乎此定義的個中三昧,則不但容易看懂下文的言外之意;也能拆穿一拖拉庫「宰制論述」的文字遊戲。


英、中名詞/術語對照:

legitimacy – 正當性」(此處以及大多數「脈絡」中,此詞都和「合法」與否無關)
Liberal International Order –
直譯:「『自由主義』擔綱下的國際秩序」;意譯:「當下美、歐霸權主導的國際秩序」
multilateralism –
直譯:「多邊主義」;意譯:「國際合作模式」
obstructionism –
阻礙行為



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展望多邊主義與自由主義主導下的國際秩序 -- WPR editors
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What’s Next for Multilateralism and the Liberal International Order?

WPR editors, 08/11/23

The United Nations’ ability to carry out its mission has been severely constrained in recent years by its member states. And many of its agencies are now facing funding shortages that could severely curtail their work. In fact, multilateralism of all stripes is under strain, from the International Criminal Court to the World Trade Organization. (Learn more when you 
subscribe to World Politics Review -- WPR).

The United Nations is perhaps the most prominent manifestation of an international order built on balancing sovereign equality with great-power politics in a bid to maintain international peace. But its capacity to do that—and to meet its other objectives, which include protecting human rights and delivering aid—have been severely constrained in recent years by its member states.

The real power in the U.N. lies with the five veto-wielding members of the Security Council—the United States, Russia, China, Great Britain and France. And they have used their positions to limit the institution’s involvement in major recent conflicts, including civil wars in Syria and Yemen. But perhaps no global crisis has underscored the Security Council’s limitations more than Russia’s invasion of Ukraine. Because of its veto, Moscow has been able to block all efforts at the council to condemn or intervene in a war of aggression that clearly violates the U.N. Charter.

Beyond the Security Council, the U.N. has sprouted additional specialized agencies to address specific issues—health, women’s rights and refugees, among others—that have met with varied degrees of success. In some instances, they have been able to galvanize global action around urgent goals, like UNAIDS’ work curbing the international AIDS crisis. But many of those agencies are now also facing funding shortages that could severely curtail their work.

In addition to the U.N. and its agencies, multilateralism of all stripes is under strain, in part because of the Trump administration’s hostility during its four years in office toward these organizations due to the perceived constraints that multilateralism places on Washington’s freedom of action. In the absence of U.S. leadership and at times in the face of U.S. obstructionism, many multilateral efforts floundered. Heightened tensions and strategic competition among the U.S., Russia and China have also blocked efforts to address crises, even where their interests converge, as in Afghanistan.

President Joe Biden promised to adopt a more conventional U.S. approach to multilateralism and America’s global role, and his administration has already followed through with efforts to correct course on both scores since taking office. But whether that will be enough to shore up the international order remains to be seen. It is unclear whether the WTO will be able to reassert itself as global trade revives after the COVID-19 pandemic, for instance. The International Criminal Court, which could play a vital role in pursuing charges of war crimes emerging from the war in Ukraine, is under pressure from all sides—including the United States.

Other multilateral bodies are finding themselves ill-equipped to exercise any influence, as global powers are increasingly interested in competition rather than cooperation. Forums like the G-20 were designed to leverage the economic power of rich countries around a unified response to international crises, but there is little unity to be found at the moment. And while Moscow, Beijing and, increasingly, Washington were already looking to shake up the status quo, other countries are now also trying to take advantage of the current period of flux in global relations for their own political, economic and strategic gain.

WPR has covered the U.N. and multilateral institutions in detail and continues to examine key questions about their future. Will veto-wielding Security Council members continue to curtail U.N. involvement in key geopolitical hotspots, and what will that mean for the legitimacy of the institution? Will the U.N. and its specialized agencies be undone by threatened funding cuts? Will the world be able to formulate a multilateral approach to addressing the economic fallout of the war in Ukraine? Below are some of the highlights of WPR’s coverage. (
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引用網址:https://city.udn.com/forum/trackback.jsp?no=2976&aid=7211359