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「經濟」精英的「政治」權力 - R. Newman
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The astounding power of "economic elites"

 

Rick Newman, The Exchange, 04/19/14

“America’s claims to being a democratic society are seriously threatened.”

 

That’s the startling claim in a provocative new study by Martin Gilens of Princeton University and Benjamin I. Page of Northwestern University.

 

Many of us like to believe that popular opinion influences policymakers, at least indirectly. But that doesn’t seem to be the case. The general public has little or no independent influence” on policymaking, the two political scientists found.

 

Instead, Gilens and Page found that “economic elites” have a “quite substantial, highly significant, independent impact on policy.” Groups representing business interests are the next most powerful influence on policymakers. Sometimes, those two groups are aligned on an issue -- they both tend to prefer low taxes, for instance -- which generates the highest likelihood of government action.

 

The complex study examined 1,779 public policy issues between 1981 and 2002, including the policy preferences of middle-income people, the wealthy, and interest groups such as lobbying organizations, unions, and membership associations like AARP. The researchers then isolated instances when a policy change actually took place, to figure out who, essentially, got their way.

 

Though the study period ended 12 years ago, similar dynamics seem to be in effect today. Consumer advocates such as Sen. Elizabeth Warren (D-MA) argue that the financial industry and its billionaire barons, for instance, still flex intimidating muscle on Capitol Hill, even after Wall Street nearly wrecked the whole economy. Billionaires such as Sheldon Adelson, Charles and David Koch and George Soros now donate vast sums to political causes through political action committees and third-party groups, and will now be able to give even more to individual politicians thanks to a recent Supreme Court decision.

 

Many of us like to believe that popular opinion influences policymakers, at least indirectly. So ordinary voters may be dismayed to hear that “the preferences of the average American appear to have only a minuscule, near-zero, statistically non-significant impact upon public policy." On the other hand, that’s probably not surprising, given that crony capitalism has become the new sport of kings, the gap between rich and poor is widening and trust in government and other big institutions is crumbling.

 

This sounds pretty bleak, but it’s worth keeping in mind that well-connected elites have always been influential, and they may have had even more sway over policymakers during go-go eras such as the robber-baron heyday of the 1890s or the look-the-other-way government of the 1920s. The Gilens-Page study doesn’t get into historical comparisons.

 

Another mitigating factor: Sometimes ordinary people and the wealthy have shared interests, which means that if the rich get their way, the little guy does too. Most working people favor low taxes, for instance, whether you’re a billionaire or a thousandaire. Pro-business policies can be good for workers too, as long as they help create jobs and boost the economy. And while policies that help inflate the stock market (this means you, Federal Reserve) may enrich people who don’t really need it, they also help the 401(k) plans of middle-class savers.

 

Recent political history may also offer a bit of a counterpoint to the Gilens-Page study. One consistent preference of 1 percenters is smaller government and less regulation. Yet President Obama, who clearly favors something other than limited government, is now in his second term. And government regulation is swelling, not receding. The Affordable Care Act, which passed in 2010 and just went into effect last year, hardly serves the interests of the affluent. The 1 percent may have succeeded in preventing a full government-run healthcare system from forming, but the subsidized care available under the ACA to people living near the poverty line seems like it’s here to stay.

 

Still, there is no denying that moneyed interests strongly influence (and sometimes even write) laws and regulations, while thwarting a lot of government action that might harm their cause. The standoff between the rich and the rest might even intensify as fresh tradeoffs need to be made involving taxes, government spending and other increasingly urgent priorities. The outlook for democracy has certainly been brighter.

 

Rick Newman’s latest book is Rebounders: How Winners Pivot From Setback To Success. Follow him on Twitter: @rickjnewman.

http://finance.yahoo.com/blogs/the-exchange/the-astounding-power-of--economic-elites-190548250.html


Ordinary Americans are powerless, but the US isn’t really an oligarchy

 

Matt Phillips 04/20/14

 

It’s not that ordinary Americans never get what they want from the political system. It’s just that they only get what they want if the elites want the same thing.

 

A recent paper from Princeton’s Martin Gilens and Northwestern’s Benjamin Page is making a splash with the claim that they’ve assembled a data set (download) that shows the opinions of ordinary Americans have only a limited influence on actual policy outcomes. Here’s the key thesis (emphasis ours):

 

Multivariate analysis indicates that economic elites and organized groups representing business interests have substantial independent impacts on US government policy, while average citizens and mass-based interest groups have little or no independent influence.

 

Such a proposition would seem to punch a major hole in America’s democratic bona fides. Can these academics back it up?

 

Gilens and Page based their findings on a study of 1,779 policy issues -- dating from 1981 to 2002 -- for which polling data existed that was broken down by income level for respondents. Researchers looked for issues with clear yes/no answers and specific issues pertaining to the federal government policy. (They also looked for questions that were phrased categorically, rather than conditionally.)

 

They then assessed responses by income level, using the answers for those in the 90th income percentile as a proxy for opinion among the affluent. These guys aren’t necessarily super rich, by the way. The 90th percentile corresponded to an income level of about $146,000 in average household income. But the writers argue that the difference between the opinions of the average citizen and the super rich are likely to look like a more extreme version of the difference between the average citizen and the merely affluent.

 

As a proxy for opinion among business elites, researchers looked at Fortune’s Power 25 lists. They also added groups from 10 key industries that reported the highest lobbying expenditures. Then they started searching through the public record -- newspapers, press releases, Congressional Quarterly articles -- to find out where these groups stood on the policy questions for which they had polling data. They coded the business groups’ position as “strongly favorable,” “somewhat favorable,” “somewhat unfavorable,” or “strongly unfavorable” to the change. And then they created a kind of index based on the responses. (Strong positions were given a heavier weighting than “somewhat” positions.)

 

Using all that data, researchers looked at the positions of these political blocs and the actual outcomes, i.e., what policy the federal government finally settled on.

 

Basically they found that if you were a betting person placing a wager on a political outcome, you’d pretty much always want to bet on the outcome that the affluent are in favor of. The opinions of the affluent and business groups were a far better predictor of actual policy outcomes than the opinions of Americans with median incomes.

 

A few people have run with these findings, suggesting that the study proves the US is an oligarchy.

 

“It’s not an unfair characterization,” Gilens said, when we bounced the O-word off him, though he added, “It’s a little bit alarmist.”

 

I guess it depends on how you define oligarchy. If you go with Aristotle’s original definition -- ”when men of property have the government in their hands” -- then, well, yeah. (Although we don’t really stick to Aristotle’s definition of democracy -- when the indigent, and not the men of property, are the rulers” -- anymore.) But today oligarchs have become virtually synonymous with the circle of billionaire crony commodities capitalists who make up the Russian power structure. It doesn’t feel like we’re talking about the same thing in this paper. Here’s why:

 

What we cannot do with these data is distinguish definitively among different versions of elite theories. We cannot be sure whether we are capturing the political influence of the wealthiest Americans (the top 1% of wealth-holders? the top 1/10th of 1%?), or, conceivably, the less affluent but more numerous citizens around the 90th income percentile whose preferences are directly gauged by our measure.

 

Basically, this paper tells us nothing about whether there’s a group of super-wealthy influencers with the ear of politicians who really pull the strings. It could be just as likely that the relatively well-educated Americans earning $150,000 and up are the ones that hold sway. That would square with the fact that America’s affluent suburbs have increasingly become key political battlegrounds in recent years.

 

At any rate, the takeaway is that ordinary Americans seem relatively powerless to influence the direction of policy. This idea isn’t exactly new. Political theorists such as C. Wright Mills were writing about similar things in the 1950s. Still, it’s pretty troubling for American democracy.

 

http://qz.com/200622/ordinary-americans-are-powerless-but-the-us-isnt-really-an-oligarchy/



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經濟精英的政治權力後續分析 - D. Rodrik
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How the Rich Rule

 

Dani Rodrik, 09/10/14

 

PRINCETON – It is hardly news that the rich have more political power than the poor, even in democratic countries where everyone gets a single vote in elections. But two political scientists, Martin Gilens of Princeton University and Benjamin Page of Northwestern University, have recently produced some stark findings for the United States that have dramatic implications for the functioning of democracy – in the US and elsewhere.

 

The authors’ research builds on prior work by Gilens, who painstakingly collected public-opinion polls on nearly 2,000 policy questions from 1981 to 2002. The pair then examined whether America’s federal government adopted the policy in question within four years of the survey, and tracked how closely the outcome matched the preferences of voters at different points of the income distribution.

 

When viewed in isolation, the preferences of the “average” voter – that is, a voter in the middle of the income distribution – seem to have a strongly positive influence on the government’s ultimate response. A policy that the average voter would like is significantly more likely to be enacted.

 

But, as Gilens and Page note, this gives a misleadingly upbeat impression of the representativeness of government decisions. The preferences of the average voter and of economic elites are not very different on most policy matters. For example, both groups of voters would like to see a strong national defense and a healthy economy. A better test would be to examine what the government does when the two groups have divergent views.

 

To carry out that test, Gilens and Page ran a horse race between the preferences of average voters and those of economic elites – defined as individuals at the top tenth percentile of the income distribution – to see which voters exert greater influence. They found that the effect of the average voter drops to insignificant levels, while that of economic elites remains substantial.

 

The implication is clear: when the elites’ interests differ from those of the rest of society, it is their views that count – almost exclusively. (As Gilens and Page explain, we should think of the preferences of the top 10% as a proxy for the views of the truly wealthy, say, the top 1% – the genuine elite.)

 

Gilens and Page report similar results for organized interest groups, which wield a powerful influence on policy formation. As they point out, “it makes very little difference what the general public thinksonce interest-group alignments and the preferences of affluent Americans are taken into account.

 

These disheartening results raise an important question: How do politicians who are unresponsive to the interests of the vast majority of their constituents get elected and, more important, re-elected, while doing the bidding mostly of the wealthiest individuals?

 

Part of the explanation may be that most voters have a poor understanding of how the political system works and how it is tilted in favor of the economic elite. As Gilens and Page emphasize, their evidence does not imply that government policy makes the average citizen worse off. Ordinary citizens often do get what they want, by virtue of the fact that their preferences frequently are similar to those of the elite. This correlation of the two groups’ preferences may make it difficult for voters to discern politicians’ bias.

 

But another, more pernicious, part of the answer may lie in the strategies to which political leaders resort in order to get elected. A politician who represents the interests primarily of economic elites has to find other means of appealing to the masses. Such an alternative is provided by the politics of nationalism, sectarianism, and identity – a politics based on cultural values and symbolism rather than bread-and-butter interests. When politics is waged on these grounds, elections are won by those who are most successful at “priming” our latent cultural and psychological markers, not those who best represent our interests.

 

Karl Marx famously said that religion is “the opium of the people.” What he meant is that religious sentiment could obscure the material deprivations that workers and other exploited people experience in their daily lives.

 

In much of the same way, the rise of the religious right and, with it, culture wars over “family values” and other highly polarizing issues (for example, immigration) have served to insulate American politics from the sharp rise in economic inequality since the late 1970s. As a result, conservatives have been able to retain power despite their pursuit of economic and social policies that are inimical to the interests of the middle and lower classes.

 

Identity politics is malignant because it tends to draw boundaries around a privileged in-group and requires the exclusion of outsiders – those of other countries, values, religions, or ethnicities. This can be seen most clearly in illiberal democracies such as Russia, Turkey, and Hungary. In order to solidify their electoral base, leaders in these countries appeal heavily to national, cultural, and religious symbols.

 

In doing so, they typically inflame passions against religious and ethnic minorities. For regimes that represent economic elites (and are often corrupt to the core), it is a ploy that pays off handsomely at the polls.

 

Widening inequality in the world’s advanced and developing countries thus inflicts two blows against democratic politics. Not only does it lead to greater disenfranchisement of the middle and lower classes; it also fosters among the elite a poisonous politics of sectarianism.

 

Dani Rodrik is Professor of Social Science at the Institute for Advanced Study, Princeton, New Jersey. He is the author of One Economics, Many Recipes: Globalization, Institutions, and Economic Growth and, most recently, The Globalization Paradox: Democracy and the Future of the World Economy.

 

https://www.project-syndicate.org/commentary/dani-rodrik-says-that-widening-inequality-drives-economic-elites-toward-sectarian-politics



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