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美國政府試圖改善中、美關係氣氛 – C. Bodeen
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US pomp meant to improve tone of China relations Christopher Bodeen, Associated Press BEIJING – Chinese leader Hu Jintao is being feted in Washington this week with a lavish state banquet at the White House and other pomp usually reserved for close friends and allies — all intended to improve the tone of relations between a risen, more assertive and prosperous China and the U.S. superpower in a tenuous economic recovery. The shaky trust between the United States and China has been eroding recently because of an array of issues — currency policies and trade barriers, nuclear proliferation and North Korea, and both sides seem to recognize the need to recalibrate relations. The U.S. is one of China's biggest markets, with $380 billion in annual trade largely in Beijing's favor. Washington increasingly needs Beijing's help in managing world troubles, from piracy off Africa to Iran's nuclear program and reinvigorating the world economy. "It is absolutely critical for the two sides to be setting a tone that says 'hang on a second, we are committed to an effective, positive relationship,'" said Center for Strategic and International Studies scholar Charles Freeman, a former trade negotiator in the George W. Bush administration. The state banquet President Barack Obama is hosting will be Hu's first. In the days before his visit, senior officials from both countries have spoken publicly in favor of better ties. Secretary of State Hillary Rodham Clinton said in a speech Friday that the countries needed to manage their conflicts but their shared interests were so entwined as to constitute entanglement. "History teaches us that the rise of new powers often ushers in periods of conflict and uncertainty," Clinton said. "Indeed, on both sides of the Pacific, we do see trepidation about the rise of China and the future of the U.S.-China relationship. We both have much more to gain from cooperation than from conflict." Chinese officials have emphasized what they see as common concerns while acknowledging the complexity of the relationship. "When the relationship is strained we need to bear in mind the larger picture and not allow any individual issue to disrupt our overall cooperation," Vice Foreign Minister Cui Tiankai said in a speech Friday. Such maxims, however, don't apply to issues China defines as its "core interests," including Taiwan, Tibet, and the overarching authority of the Communist Party. That's a condition Hu's visit won't change. Hu, whose four-day trip starts Tuesday, is expected to talk up China's intended peaceful rise in a speech to business leaders and opinion-makers in Washington on Thursday and to highlight the benefits of China's market and investment when visiting Chicago. Aware of China's plummeting image in American opinion, Chinese Foreign Ministry functionaries have in recent weeks been looking for ways to make the usually stiff Hu, and China as a country, appear more human, something akin to reformist patriarch Deng Xiaoping's donning a 10-gallon hat in Houston in 1979 just after the opening of diplomatic relations. For the protocol-obsessed Chinese leadership, a highlight of the visit will be Wednesday's state banquet — an honor denied Hu on his last trip to the White House in 2006. President George W. Bush thought state banquets should be reserved for allies and like-minded powers and instead gave Hu a lunch. Even worse, a member of Falun Gong, the spiritual movement banned by China, disrupted Hu and Bush's joint appearance, and an announcer incorrectly called China "The Republic of China," the formal name of democratically ruled Taiwan. In this visit, no major agreements are expected. Talks over a joint statement ran aground until last-minute negotiations in Beijing last week. But the shared recognition to put things right and the bumpy relations of the last year augur for a better outcome. The recent disputes make the summit more necessary than ever, said Shi Yinhong, professor of international relations at Beijing's Renmin University. "If you look back to relations over the last year, any progress is significant," he said. A successful visit also stands to raise Hu's standing domestically as he heads toward retirement late next year and seeks to place his political proteges in positions of influence. "A demonstration that Hu can handle the U.S. well and show that China is now well respected by Washington should help Hu to consolidate his legacy," said Oxford University China scholar Steve Tsang. Still more difficult will be stopping the larger drift in relations amid the countries' changing fortunes. Beijing feels its economic, military and diplomatic strength entitles it to more deference while Washington tries to shore up its superpower authority, forging alliances and ties with other countries amid the changing global order. While the U.S. is weighted down by high unemployment, massive budget deficits and sluggish growth, China has roared ahead, with the economy expanding 9.6 percent in the third quarter of last year. China now holds the world's largest foreign currency reserves at $2.85 trillion and a major chunk of U.S. government debt. At current rates, economists estimate China will overtake the U.S. as the world's largest economy within 20 years, possibly by the end of this decade. That transition could be bumpy, with China's authoritarian one-party communist political system and sense of historical grievance setting it at odds with the democratic West. Feeling its oats, Beijing has largely rebuffed U.S. appeals for help in reining in bellicose North Korea, curbing Iran's nuclear program and faster appreciation of China's currency and dismantling of trade barriers. Chinese officials and the nationalistic state-run media have criticized Washington's renewed attention to Japan, South Korea and Southeast Asia, its arms sales to Taiwan and its continued naval patrols in the Yellow and South China seas as attempts to constrain China's influence in its backyard. Chinese officials have accused the U.S. of orchestrating the awarding of the Nobel Peace Prize to imprisoned Chinese dissident Liu Xiaobo. And just last week, Chinese military commanders greeted U.S. Defense Secretary Robert Gates' offer for closer military dialogue by sending a prototype for a new stealth fighter on its first test-flight. In recent months, about the only thing the two seem to have agreed on is that the U.S. and China did not have enough common ground to form a Group of 2, or "G-2", to solve the world's troubles. The U.S.-China relationship "is as important as any bilateral relationship in the world," Clinton said Friday. "But there is no such thing as a G-2. Both of our countries reject that concept." http://news.yahoo.com/s/ap/20110116/ap_on_bi_ge/as_china_us
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胡錦濤加碼 砸600億美元採購 - 李書良/潘羿菁
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工商時報記者李書良、潘羿菁/綜合報導,01/22/11 中國國家主席胡錦濤率團赴美,出手採購非同凡響,昨(21)日又傳出中方在清潔能源領域與美企業簽署逾200億美元的合作協議,按目前已曝光項目估計,中方下單約600億美元。因仍有多家隨團中國企業未曾出手,預計最終金額還會攀高,現時金額只是「起步價」。 經濟部官員說,中美清潔節約的採購商機,包括風力發電、太陽光電與智慧電表等,除了後者之外,其餘早在去年都有納入搭橋項目中。兩岸最快將於4月份兩岸將啟動第一場搭橋會議,假設廠商能取得採購商機,當然是最好。 中國國家主席胡錦濤結束對美為期4天的國是訪問,在芝加哥期間,中國企業對美方發出大筆訂單;綜合陸續曝光的項目顯示,中美雙方貿易協議將包括製造業、化工、農業和技術投資等廣泛領域,將使得美國12個州的70家企業受益,並提供23.5萬個就業機會。 值得注意的是,中美企業和研究機構簽署了總金額超過200億美元的清潔能源合作協議,中國在涉及包括清潔煤、核電、風電、智慧電網、電動汽車等多項領域,對美進行了一場巨額採購。 以簽約逾200億美元的中美清潔能源合作協議來看,內容包括中國電力投資集團和美國鋁業在鋁和清潔能源上達成75億美元的簽約金額;中國國電集團和美國UPC管理集團也在風電項目上達成逾15億美元的協議,國電集團總經理朱永芃並透露,雙方還將合作共同開發第3國風電市場。 由於中國政府「十二五」規劃(2011~2015年)期間傾全力發展節能環保、電動汽車、新材料等7大新興產業,節能環保更被列為第1產業。 中方本次向美方釋出大單,除了深化雙方在此領域的合作,互取所需外;對美方而言,也是確保自己未來在中國最新、最夯的產業舞台上的基本利益。 另方面,有鑒於歷年中國自美國賺走大筆貿易順差,不僅引發美不滿,雙方貿易屢生摩擦,也成為美施壓人民幣升值最好藉口之一。 因此胡錦濤訪美丟出巨額採購「大補丸」,也是有意縮短雙方巨大的貿易差距,多少可以降低彼此貿易上的緊張氣氛。 http://news.chinatimes.com/world/50405422/122011012200128.html
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暗潮洶湧的中、美關係 -- M. Calabresi
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Why U.S.-China Tensions Will Mount Despite the Obama-Hu Lovefest Massimo Calabresi , Washington , 01/21/11 The reason Presidents Barack Obama and Hu Jintao went to such great lengths during Wednesday's White House lovefest to declare that the U.S. and China can get along in peace and prosperity for years to come is that neither man is convinced they will. In fact, the U.S. and China are entering a dangerous two-year period during which the pressures for confrontation are as likely to build as they are to abate. It was partly in the hope of defusing already mounting pressures on both sides that Obama and Hu went to such lengths of civility. Major power centers on both sides want a more confrontational policy. The Chinese military, driven by nationalism and self-interest, has accelerated its push for a blue-water navy and expanded its claim to the South China Sea. State-run industries, and their protectionist backers in the State Council, have sought to tighten access to China's manufacturing contracts. And the propaganda department of the Chinese Communist Party has heightened the rhetoric of confrontation. (See pictures of Hu Jintao's day at the White House.) At the same time in the U.S., calls for economic punishment of Beijing are growing louder — and more politically popular. In September, the House passed by 348 votes to 79 a bill that would slap tariffs on China's exports in retaliation for it manipulating its currency value, which the bill's authors believe drives up the price of U.S. products and costs Americans their jobs. That legislation came close to passing the Senate in the final days of the lame-duck session, when Senators from both parties tried to "hotline" it straight to the floor of the chamber where it could pass without a vote while no one was looking. A GOP Senator called the cloakroom hours before the bill was to reach the floor and put a hold on it. The Administration has been eyeing the mounting tension with concern. "It's very dangerous because at the moment you have both in China this deeply nationalist, insecure, fear-ambition-arrogance thing going on," says a senior Administration official, "and you have a bunch of Americans who are scared and angry and feel it's all unfair." Some U.S. officials hope that last year's confrontations are behind the U.S. and China and that Beijing learned that its own interests were jeopardized by taking a hard line with Washington. Senior Administration officials argue that the deployment of the U.S.S. George Washington carrier battle group in the Yellow Sea following North Korea's unprovoked attack on a South Korean island last fall sent a message that Beijing's unwillingness to rein in Pyongyang would bring unwelcome consequences. Likewise the growing unease of neighboring countries such as Vietnam, Indonesia, South Korea and Japan, which had been drifting toward China but more recently became spooked by its more aggressive behavior, has convinced China's political leaders to tone it down, the White House argues. (Read "Hu's Visit: Can Timothy Geithner Prevent a China-U.S. Trade War?") But top U.S. officials fear that the next two years could generate more trigger points for confrontation as both the U.S. and Chinese political systems gear up for a transition of power. In China, Hu is to be replaced as President in 2012, and everyone's job is on the line, including those of reformers who would like to move the economy in the direction of freer market reforms. Toughness rather than accommodation to U.S. demands will be the order of the day. In the U.S., candidates looking to focus their campaign rhetoric on jobs will find an easy target in China's manipulation of the value of its currency. "We had a period of time around the [midterm] elections where there were a lot of races where there were ads that were quite negative about China and members who supported engagement were criticized," says Myron Brilliant of the U.S. Chamber of Commerce. He expects that to be worse in the coming presidential election cycle. Hu got a taste of that mounting anger Thursday when he went to the Hill for meetings with members of Congress. The meetings were private, but accounts of the discussions suggest the legislators were significantly less welcoming than the White House had been. House Speaker John Boehner registered his party's "strong, ongoing concerns with reports of human-rights violations in China, including the denial of religious freedom and the use of coercive abortion." The new GOP chair of the House Foreign Relations committee, Representative Ileana Ros-Lehtinen of Florida, gave Hu a letter expressing "grave concerns" over human rights, currency manipulation and Chinese aggressiveness. (Comment on this story.) So it's not surprising that Hu and Obama tried so hard to make the relationship appear healthy and improving. But it will take more than nice talk to push back against the powerful confrontational currents that are building in both countries as they head into a period of political transition. http://www.time.com/time/nation/article/0,8599,2043769,00.html
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胡錦濤要求與美國平起平坐 -- T. Raum
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Hu urges closer US-China ties as world powers Tom Raum, Associated Press WASHINGTON – Chinese President Hu Jintao denied his country is a military threat despite its arms buildup and pressed the U.S. on Thursday for closer cooperation between the global powers. He urged the United States to treat China "with respect and as equals" after encountering a fresh barrage of criticism from lawmakers over human rights. In a luncheon speech to American business executives, Hu also urged the U.S. to continue to recognize China's sovereignty over Taiwan and Tibet. "China-U.S. relations will enjoy smooth and steady growth when the two countries handle well issues involving each other's major interests. Otherwise, our relations will suffer constant trouble or even tension," Hu said as he wrapped up his state visit to Washington. The Chinese leader headed next to Chicago where he was dining Thursday evening with retiring Mayor Richard Daley, Illinois Gov. Pat Quinn and business leaders. On Friday, he visits a Chinese center at a high school and a Chinese auto parts producer. Earlier Thursday, Hu went to Capitol Hill for closed-door meetings with members of the House and the Senate. Participants said he got an earful of complaints from some of his strongest congressional critics, especially over China's business and trade practices and human rights conduct. President Barack Obama had expressed similar human rights concerns a day earlier at the White House. House Speaker John Boehner, R-Ohio, said House members "raised our strong, ongoing concerns with reports of human rights violations in China, including the denial of religious freedom and the use of coercive abortion" as a result of China's one-child policy. Rep. Ileana Ros-Lehtinen, R-Fla., chair of the House Foreign Affairs Committee, said she gave Hu a copy of a letter she sent to Obama highlighting "grave concerns" over human rights, currency manipulation and aggressive military gestures. "Out of all the issues I raised, the only one which received a response from Mr.Hu was my statement urging the end of China's forced abortion policy. I was astonished when he insisted that such a policy does not exist," she said. Senate Majority Leader Harry Reid, D-Nev., said he raised issues of trade, Chinese currency policies and a need for more Chinese investment and tourism in the U.S. "Although we have our differences, we look forward to strengthening our relationship in a way that allows us to address global economic and security issues," Reid said. Senate Foreign Relations Committee Chairman John Kerry, D-Mass, said the past year has been a challenging one in U.S.-China relations. "Despite the shared gains achieved working together on global problems, many in Congress today believe the United States and China are on a collision course. It's critical that leaders in both countries don't allow mutual suspicions to degenerate into fear-mongering and demagoguery," Kerry said. Hu received a generally warmer reception at the luncheon session hosted jointly by the U.S.-China Business Council, which is made up of corporate officials with business ties to China, and the National Committee on U.S.-China Relations, a foreign-relations policy group. "We will remain committed to the path of peaceful development," Hu told the luncheon. "We do not engage in an arms race, we are not a military threat to any country. China will never seek to dominate or pursue an expansionist policy." Hu said China intended to "develop a socialist democracy and build a socialist country under the rule of law." In particular, Hu called for closer U.S.-Chinese cooperation in Southeast Asia and the Pacific Rim. "We should stay committed to promoting peace, stability and prosperity in the Asia-Pacific region, engage in open and inclusive regional cooperation, and turn the Asia-Pacific into an important region where China and the United States work closely with each other on the basis of mutual respect," Hu said. As to his warning on Taiwan and Tibet, Hu said such matters "concern Chinese sovereignty and territorial integrity. They touch upon the national sentiments of 1.3 billion Chinese." It was a reference to China's claim to the currently self-governing island of Taiwan, which split from the mainland amid civil war in 1949, and to Tibet, which is already under China's control. U.S. leaders, including Obama, have irked China repeatedly by meeting with the exiled Tibetan spiritual leader, the Dalai Lama. The U.S. and China must "treat each other with respect and as equals and handle major sensitive issues in a proper manner," Hu said. In recent years, China has grown stronger both economically and militarily. Worrisome to the Pentagon is Beijing's increasingly aggressive stance in the western Pacific and questions over the extent to which the People's Liberation Army — which also includes China's air force and navy — is answerable to civilian leaders in the one-party government. During Defense Secretary Robert Gates' visit to China earlier this month, the Chinese military's decision to conduct a test flight of its first aircraft designed to evade radar — the J-20 stealth fighter — appeared to catch Hu and other Chinese civilian leaders off guard. Also of concern to the U.S.: China's development of anti-ship missiles that could make it harder for American aircraft carriers to operate in the western Pacific. Hu did not specifically mention human rights in his speech to the business leaders. A day earlier, Hu stood alongside Obama at a White House news conference and conceded, "A lot still needs to be done in China in terms of human rights." Those remarks were welcomed by the White House as a significant conciliatory gesture. Obama spokesman Robert Gibbs on Thursday called them a "frank admission." "While we appreciate those words, the United States will watch the actions of the Chinese government to make sure that they meet the words that were spoken in the White House yesterday," Gibbs said. The Chinese leader was introduced by former Secretary of State Henry Kissinger, who as national security adviser for President Richard Nixon was instrumental in 1974 in opening formal ties between the two countries. Kissinger said normalizing U.S.-Chinese relations "after so many years of separation did shake the world." But now, Kissinger said, "This generation has a different task. . We are working to build the world, not to shake it." Associated Press writers Matthew Pennington and Darlene Superville contributed to this report. http://news.yahoo.com/s/ap/20110121/ap_on_go_ot/us_us_china;_ylt=AtcRzt.XRmrAk0p7iq9S_X4V6w8F;_ylu=X3oDMTNlc29yYzAzBGFzc2V0Ay9zL2FwLzIwMTEwMTIxL2FwX29uX2dvX290L3VzX3VzX2NoaW5hBGNjb2RlA21wX2VjXzhfMTAEY3BvcwM1BHBvcwM1BHNlYwN5bl90b3Bfc3RvcmllcwRzbGsDaHV1cmdlc2Nsb3Nl
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一頓談成450億美金交易的飯 -- B. Wingfield
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China Splashes Cash At Obama-Hu Summit Brian Wingfield President Obama’s joint press conference with Chinese President Hu Jintao at the White House Wednesday may be remembered more for its translation snafus than anything else. But the biggest news of the actual summit so far is the corporate dealmaking. As a central feature of Hu’s state visit, the White House announced $45 billion worth of trade and investment deals with Beijing. China has approved the purchase of 200 planes from Boeing, for an estimated $19 billion. General Electric is part of several announced deals, including a project to expand high-speed rail in the U.S. using Chinese technology and a joint effort with Shenhua Gasification to building clean energy generators. American Electric Power and Duke Energy are also participating in clean energy projects in China. (Click here for a full list.) The Obama administration says that Chinese companies have signed 70 contracts–in the agriculture, machinery, chemical and other sectors–that could boost exports in 12 states by a total of $25 billion. To be sure, these deals were lined up in advance of Hu’s visit, but President Obama made one thing clear to his counterpart from Beijing during the press conference: “We want to sell you all kinds of stuff,” including planes, cars and software. Ahead of the press conference, Obama and met with U.S. and Chinese business leaders including Microsoft CEO Steve Ballmer, Coca-Cola boss Muhtar Kent, Dow Chemical Chairman and President Andrew Liveris and Lenovo’s Liu Chuanzhi. The meeting, which lasted less than an hour, was largely symbolic. Corporate dealmaking constitutes only one aspect of the present economic relationship between the U.S. and China, however. U.S. business concerns about Chinese protectionism and intellectual property piracy are another. For example Obama mentioned that, during the CEO meeting, Ballmer noted that just one out of every 10 of Microsoft’s customers in China is actually paying for its software. According to the White House press office, China has agreed to better enforce its intellectual property laws and scrap its “indigenous innovation” policy that favors domestic technology over competition by foreign companies. Beijing and its provincial and local governments have also agreed not to discriminate against foreign firms in a procurement deals. What remains to be seen is the extent to which China will enforce these commitments and what the United States tends to do about it if Chinese officials don’t keep their word. Worries about protectionism so far haven’t seemed to deter U.S. businesses from investing in China. A third aspect to the international relationship–and this part is particularly important to American exporters–is the exchange rate between the U.S. dollar and the Chinese renminbi (RMB). For years, U.S. politicians and business leaders have complained that the renminbi is undervalued against the dollar, making Chinese goods artificially cheap and undercutting U.S. exports. In his press conference with Hu Wednesday, Obama said the “RMB remains undervalued,” though he sidestepped a question about the exchange rate’s effect on U.S. unemployment. He added that both the U.S. and China want the RMB’s value to be increasingly market driven, which will help drive up standards of living in China. “This is something that can be a win-win,” said Obama. http://blogs.forbes.com/brianwingfield/2011/01/19/dealmaking-announced-at-u-s-china-summit/
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中、美關係的實際與外交詞令 -- B. Feller
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With Obama, Hu concedes China's rights need help Ben Feller, Ap White House Correspondent WASHINGTON – In a rare concession on a highly sensitive issue, Chinese President Hu Jintao used his White House visit on Wednesday to acknowledge "a lot still needs to be done" to improve human rights in his nation accused of repressing its people. President Barack Obama pushed China to adopt fundamental freedoms but assured Hu the U.S. considers the communist nation a friend and vital economic partner. Hu's comments met with immediate skepticism from human rights advocates, who dismissed them as words backed by no real history of action. Hu contended his country has "made enormous progress" but provided no specifics. Still, his remarks seemed to hearten and surprise U.S. officials, coming during an elaborate visit that centered on boosting trade and trust between the world's two largest economies. More broadly, Hu and Obama sought to show off a more mature and respectful relationship, not the one often defined by disputes over currency, sovereignty and freedoms. Hu said he wanted even closer contact with Obama; Obama sought again to embrace China's rise, and the two men shared some unexpected laughs. The Chinese president was treated lavishly, granted the honor of the third state dinner of Obama's presidency. He was welcomed in the morning to the sounds of military bands and the smiles of children on the South Lawn; he was capping the evening at a black-tie White House gala of jazz musicians and all-American food. Eager to show progress, particularly with the unemployment weighing down his country, Obama said the nations sealed business deals that would mean $45 billion in U.S. exports and create roughly 235,000 jobs. The package included moves by China to expand U.S. investment and curtail theft of intellectual property. China's human rights record is poor and worsening, with abuses ranging from censorship to illegal detention of dissidents to executions without due process, according to the U.S. government. In a packed news conference — one designed to underscore the freedom of speech on Obama's home turf — Hu was pressed to defend his country's treatment of its people. He initially did not answer, saying he never heard the question translated, although the White House said that it was. When prodded a second time, Hu defended his country's promotion of human rights. But then he added that China is enduring challenges as it develops and "a lot still needs to be done in China in terms of human rights." He said China stood to gain from other countries' input, saying: "We're also willing to learn." For his part, Obama had to find a balance, standing up for freedoms while not overstepping Hu during the uncommon honor of a state visit. Obama said his nation's relationship with China is bettering the world's economy and security, and that it cannot stop over "tension" about human rights fairness. Pressing for a more cautious long view, Obama said: "I want to suggest that there has been an evolution in China over the last 30 years since the first normalization over relations between the United States and China. And my expectation is that, 30 years from now, we will have seen further evolution." Laced in their comments, however, were reminders that no amount of cooperation would trump each country's core interests. Charles Freeman, a China expert at the Center for Strategic and International Studies, said that Hu's comments on human rights were a minor concession to U.S. concerns. "They have learned over the years that throwing a bone to the Americans is a pretty good way to shut them up," Freeman said. Sophie Richardson, Asia advocacy director for Human Rights Watch, said China had issued similar rhetoric before but that it added up to little more than a public relations exercise. Earlier, as Hu's visit was just beginning, Obama was blunt about human rights. "History shows that societies are more harmonious, nations are more successful, and the world is more just when the rights and responsibilities of all nations and all people are upheld," he said. White House officials said Hu, privately to Obama, expressed the same sentiment about China's need to do more on human rights. They expressed surprise that Hu made the statement publicly and while overseas. Chinese leaders have typically argued that how the country handles human rights is an internal matter. In private, Obama specifically inquired about the case of Nobel Peace Prize winner Liu Xiaobo, a jailed dissident who was prevented from attending the Dec. 10 prize ceremony in the Norwegian capital. Obama, who himself won the prize last year, did not mention Liu in his public comments on Wednesday. On another contentious issue, Obama said that the United States continues to believe that China's currency is undervalued, making Chinese imports cheaper in the United States and U.S. goods more expensive in China. He said Hu has been moving toward a market-based system, "but it's not as fast as we want." "President Hu's concerned, understandably, about how rapid this transition takes and the disruptions that may occur," Obama said as his Chinese counterpart stood beside him in an elegant East Room crammed with media and dignitaries. "But I'm confident that it's the right thing to do." The U.S. president said it was time to stop viewing every issue of the China-U.S. relationship through the lens of rivalry. He made the case that as China grows and expands the living standard of its people, that benefit is not just humanitarian, but economic. And by that he meant good for U.S. companies. "We want to sell you all kinds of stuff," Obama said to his Chinese guests, prompting laughter. "We want to sell you planes. We want to sell you cars. We want to sell you software." He also made clear: "I absolutely believe that China's peaceful rise is good for the world and it's good for America." Mindful of protocol gaffes five years ago, when Hu visited President George W. Bush, the White House seemed to host the state visit without a hitch — that is, except for translation problems that made the news conference long and at times confusing. Hu walked with Obama around the South Lawn grounds during the arrival ceremony and spent time shaking the hands of smiling children, even sharing a moment with the U.S. president's youngest daughter, 9-year-old Sasha. Associated Press writers Matthew Pennington, Jim Kuhnhenn, Tom Raum, Donna Cassata, Julie Pace, Erica Werner, Darlene Superville and Nancy Benac contributed to this report. http://news.yahoo.com/s/ap/us_us_china;_ylt=AkeD5g15VPPTC4HBfAtz4MgV6w8F;_ylu=X3oDMTJwbHBva2xiBGFzc2V0Ay9zL2FwL3VzX3VzX2NoaW5hBGNjb2RlA21wX2VjXzhfMTAEY3BvcwMxBHBvcwMxBHNlYwN5bl90b3Bfc3RvcmllcwRzbGsDd2l0aG9iYW1haHVj
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讓歐巴馬頭大的中美高峰會 -- L. H. Gelb
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Obama's China Summit Woes Leslie H. Gelb Failure to compromise on tough economic and security issues this week will have dangerous consequences for the president and Hu Jintao. Leslie H. Gelb on why the trick is to fight off the hawks on both sides with concrete deals on critical issues. The U.S.-China summit this week could rank among the most pivotal in history. Presidents Barack Obama and Hu Jintao can either find concrete common ground to work out increasing differences, or they can settle for friendly gasbag rhetoric that will bow to their mutual and mounting hawkish pressures. The disagreements between the two global powers are significant enough, but are being dangerously exaggerated by the military-intellectual complexes in both countries. If Obama and Hu fail to reach tangible and practical compromises on tough economic and security issues, the consequences will be most serious: The two nations that are shaping the world to come will move from a period of modest cooperation and mutual testing to a very testy era. No one is talking about wars or anything like that. But they are talking about a level of political and economic conflict that will block cooperation and heighten international tensions. Just days before the leaders meet in Washington, it looks like the “compromises” will be more rhetorical than substantive. On the plus side, officials say the leaders will announce tens of billions of dollars in new contracts for Beijing to purchase U.S. goods, especially civilian aircraft. On the minus side, there might be some unpleasantness on human rights, with Obama hardening his stance, and Hu telling him to mind his own business. If that is the result of the summit, hawks on both sides will rejoice. Thus far, Obama administration officials have been trying much harder than the Hu team to find solid common ground in the danger zones, precisely to head off increasing right-wing influence on policy. U.S. officials see what hawks on both sides are doing -- exaggerating threats and differences, driving those differences to sword’s point. Contrary to what U.S. hawks say, Obama officials are far from oblivious to the new Chinese tendency to muscle neighbors and others, and they are troubled by it. The White House knows well its need to demonstrate toughness. Thus, the Obama team has been walking the tricky line between pressing for needed deals with Beijing in the mutual interest and, at the same time, not looking weak. The problem is that Chinese officials don’t seem nearly as concerned about the looming pitfalls or much disposed toward genuine compromises. On Sunday, Hu told American reporters that he wanted to seek “common ground” and build “mutual trust.” But from this side of the Pacific, their stance looks otherwise: Overall, they’re trying to sound congenial, along the lines Chinese leader Deng Xiaoping originally set for relations with Washington decades ago. Thus, the Chinese say they don’t want confrontations or bad relations with Washington, they want cooperation on economic matters. They still see the U.S. as the world’s leading economic and military power; indeed, they’re quite happy to see Washington continue to play the role of the world’s policeman. If anything, Chinese officials are sending off signals that they think they are completely in the right about every matter in dispute, and that Washington is totally in the wrong on every count. But scratch that surface with a few tough questions about new Chinese assertiveness and muscularity, and they can get quite emotional, even heated. If anything, Chinese officials are sending off signals that they think they are completely in the right about every matter in dispute, and that Washington is totally in the wrong on every count. In sum, many Chinese leaders, businessmen and youth are feeling their oats. They note that the U.S. is still far ahead of them, but they feel equal, if not superior, already. They’re supersensitive to what they see as being pushed around by an America used to Chinese inferiority. It’s not just that they feel a chip on their shoulders; it’s that they feel it’s their turn to lead -- albeit without being willing to step forward and take responsibility for leadership. Leadership is costly. Real leaders not only assert their interests vigorously, but make compromises and sacrifices in order to lead successfully and without the costs of conflict. Chinese leaders today just appear content or determined to continue growing economically and not making any sacrifices. They are not inclined to do much by way of getting tough with North Korea or Iran, potential nuclear problems, if it requires economic or other sacrifices. Now, if all this were not difficult enough, groups and individuals on both sides are intent on making all these differences look even worse. In the U.S., this phalanx consists of military leaders and arms manufacturers who seek to justify high defense expenditures, their congressional allies, and neoconservatives looking for a new enemy. In China, the list of culprits is long: the military, which wants an ever big slice of the economic pie in order to show their fighting punch; Chinese party and intellectual leaders, who believe their day has come to shape the future not only of China, but of the world; and business and financial interests that want to preserve all their edges. For example, the Chinese assert that virtually the whole South China Sea, loaded with oil, gas, and other minerals, belongs to them. They say they’ve asserted for years that Beijing’s sovereignty extends way beyond the traditional 12-mile limit to include the 200-mile economic zone as well. They insist that it is the United States that’s doing the transgressing here and making the provocations by sailing U.S. Navy gunships through these waters. That position offends legal history and the equally valid claims of sovereignty by a half dozen other Asian nations including Vietnam, Japan, and the Philippines. And Washington isn’t going to allow Beijing to run roughshod over these allies and friendly nations. Another example of China’s assertiveness is on the currency exchange rate between the dollar and the renminbi. The lower the value of the renminbi, the cheaper Chinese exports and the more expensive the American exports. While Beijing is very slowly moving the value of its currency up to more fair levels, the lack of full fairness to the U.S. and other exporters is palpable. Beijing insists, however, that the currency discrepancies, if they exist at all, don’t affect U.S. exports because the U.S. hardly exports anything that is competitive with Chinese exports. Besides not being true for the U.S., this also ignores the export disadvantages to other states. As prickly as these issues are, others rankle at least as much. Beijing has done very little to curb its citizens and corporations from stealing U.S. copyright materials and its subsidies to its exporters. These Chinese practices damage the U.S. economy more than the unfair exchange rates. Then, there’s also the particularly touchy subject of cyberwarfare -- on both sides. Who knows who’s doing how much stealing here, but the United States has far more to lose. American concerns about security issues are also complicated to parse. U.S. hawks are pounding the drums about increases in China’s military spending. It is increasing by double digit percentages annually, and that’s a lot, and it is worrisome. But Washington spends about $750 billion yearly on defense, while Beijing’s comparable budget is in the neighborhood of $150 billion. American hawks are also blowing their trumpets over technological advances in Chinese weaponry. For example, they’re developing better missiles, and so are we. And they are also testing new “stealthy” jet fighters ahead of schedule. But U.S. forces can still detect them and shoot them down, as Defense Secretary Gates noted. And yes, China is constructing an aircraft carrier. Well, theirs will be far from state of the art, and we have 11 carrier battle groups which will dominate the oceans for many moons to come. Look, I don’t like to see these military advances. But Beijing has every right and reason to build its military power in an uncertain world where, as a great trading nation, it might need to protect the sea lanes. Every major power in history has done as much, and China is still far behind the United States. Let’s not get panicky and drive America into another Cold War. There are no good reasons to believe that China and America will come to blows. The real danger comes not from the likelihood of China or America doing things that challenge the other’s vital interests; rather, the danger derives from both sides grossly overreacting to differences and problems. The Obama team clearly understands the stakes for this week’s summit and is sensibly searching for solid deals, even in the face of hawkish pressures. It’s now up to Chinese leaders to face down their hawks. There is plenty of time for both sides to get really tough if relations seriously deteriorate. But for now and for as far as the eye can see without hawkish distortions, Chinese and American moderates and pragmatists should not fear to pursue common interests. http://www.thedailybeast.com/blogs-and-stories/2011-01-16/obamas-china-summit-woes-hawks-currency-human-rights-more/?cid=topic:mainpromo4
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