美國新任國務卿希拉蕊於02/13/2009，在紐約「亞洲學會」發表政策演說：《美國與亞洲：兩個橫跨大西洋和橫跨太平洋的勢力》(U.S. and Asia: Two Transatlantic and
Transpacific Powers)。除了她將「美國」和「亞洲」以相等地位(two powers)並列，不免自大、失禮、或「臭美」外，全文可說中肯。
原文請見：
http://www.state.gov/secretary/rm/2009a/02/117333.htm
以下節錄有關美國亞洲政策重點和她談到中國的部份。
A half century ago when the Asia Society was founded,
Asia was frozen in a cold war, wracked by poverty, and
seemingly destined for desolation. Few in or outside of
Asia’s borders foresaw anything but a future of conflict,
occupation, and despair. Today, the countries I will visit
are at peace. Asia is on the cutting edge of so many of
the world’s innovations and trends. It is a contributor to
global culture, a global economic power, and a region of
vital importance to the United States today and into our
future.
...
And I’ve seen also the skyscrapers and factories, the
urban corridors and high-tech campuses, the research
facilities and modern hospitals – a continent where, now,
more often than not, the rule of law and free elections
have become or are in the process of becoming the norm,
where entrepreneurship and innovation have transformed
economies into global economic powers.
Asia has influenced world civilization for millennia, as it
has our own culture. Our nation is home to 13 million
Asian American citizens, and our daily life is so enriched
by Asian literature and art, by music and movies, by food
and architecture, medicine and science, technology and
values.
Today, it is tempting to focus our attention on the tensions
and perils of our interdependence, but I prefer to view our
connectedness as an opportunity for dynamic and
productive partnerships that can address both the
challenge and the promise of this new century.
And that’s what I want to talk about today, how the United
States is committed to a new era of diplomacy and
development in which we will use smart power to work
with historic allies and emerging nations to find regional
and global solutions to common global problems.
As I’ve said before, America cannot solve the problems of
the world alone, and the world cannot solve them without
America.
At the same time, given the realities of today’s world, we
can no longer approach our foreign policy solely country
by country, or simply by carving the world into separate
regions. With smart power, we will seek to build
partnerships that transcend geographic and political
boundaries.
In the months ahead, I will press for stronger bilateral,
regional, and global cooperation when I meet with leaders
of Europe, Latin America, the Middle East, and Africa, just
as I will seek more robust engagement in my discussions
with Asian leaders in Tokyo, Jakarta, Seoul, and Beijing
next week.
...
Our relationships with each of the countries I’m visiting,
and with all of our partners and allies throughout Asia and
the Pacific, are indispensable to our security and
prosperity. When we consider the gravest global threats
confronting us – financial instability and economic
dislocation, terrorism and weapons of mass destruction,
food security and health emergencies, climate change
and energy vulnerability, stateless criminal cartels and
human exploitation – it is clear that these threats do not
stop at borders or oceans. Pandemics threaten school
children in Jakarta and Jacksonville. Global financial
crises shrink bank accounts in Sapporo and San
Francisco. The dangers posed by nuclear proliferation
create worries in Guangzhou as well as Washington. And
climate change affects the livelihoods of farmers in
China’s Hunan province and in America’s Midwest. These
dangers affect us all, and therefore we all must play a role
in addressing them.
So I leave for Asia ready to deliver a message about
America’s desire for more rigorous and persistent
commitment and engagement, ready to work with leaders
in Asia to resolve the economic crisis that threatens the
Pacific as much as any other region, ready to strengthen
our historic partnerships and alliances while developing
deeper bonds with all nations, ready to help prevent the
proliferation of nuclear weapons in Asia, ready to expand
our combined efforts on 21st century challenges like
climate change and clean energy, pandemics, and income
inequality.
In the Obama Administration, we are also ready to reach
beyond ministerial buildings and official meeting halls, as
important as those are. We’re ready to engage civil
society to strengthen the foundations needed to support
good governance, free elections, and a free press, wider
educational opportunities, stronger healthcare systems,
religious tolerance, and human rights.
And we are ready to listen. Actively listening to our
partners isn’t just a way of demonstrating respect. It can
also be a source of ideas to fuel our common efforts. Too
often in the recent past, our government has acted
reflexively before considering available facts and
evidence, or hearing the perspectives of others. But
President Obama and I are committed to a foreign policy
that is neither impulsive nor ideological, one that values
what others have to say. And when we have differences,
which we will, we will discuss them frankly and specify
those which limit our capacity to cooperate. As part of our
dialogues, we will hold ourselves and others accountable
as we work to expand human rights and create a world
that respects those rights, one where Nobel Peace Prize
winner Aung San Suu Kyi can live freely in her own
country, where the people of North Korea can freely
choose their own leaders, and where Tibetans and all
Chinese people can enjoy religious freedom without fear
of prosecution.
...
Let me start with the global financial crisis that hit us first
and hit us deeply. Across the United States today,
families are losing jobs, homes, savings, and dreams. But
this is not our crisis alone. Its repercussions are also
being felt in parts of Asia and elsewhere around the world.
We have recently heard forecasts from South Korea’s
new finance minister that their economy will shrink by 2
percent this year, with 200,000 jobs potentially lost. A
Chinese Government survey of villages last week
reported that 20 million of the nation’s 130 million migrant
workers are unemployed. In Japan, a new analysis
predicts a larger economic contraction than previously
forecast. Indonesia’s exports fell by more than 20 percent
in December as growth estimates have also fallen. And
Taiwan’s economy reported a record 44 percent drop in
exports. Throughout Asia, the demand for durable goods
is way down.
The global financial crisis requires every nation to look
inward for solutions, but none of us can afford to become
so introspective that we overlook the critical role that
international partnerships must play in stabilizing the
world’s economy and putting all of us back on the path to
prosperity. And we cannot respond with a race to erect
trade and other barriers. We must remain committed to a
system of open and fair trade.
...
Global solutions are essential to addressing climate
change and the need for clean sources of energy. Now,
climate change is not just an environmental nor an energy
issue, it also has implications for our health and our
economies and our security, all wrapped up in one.
...
Now, you may have heard me describe the portfolio of the
State Department as including two of national security’s
three Ds: defense, diplomacy, and development. Each is
essential to advancing our interests and our security. Yet
too often, development is regarded as peripheral to our
larger foreign policy objectives. ...
...
Let me now give you a brief rundown of some of the key
issues that I will be addressing next week, country by
country, starting with my first stop in Japan.
...
As members of the Asia Society, you know very well how
important China is and how essential it is that we have a
positive, cooperative relationship. It is vital to peace and
prosperity, not only in the Asia-Pacific region, but
worldwide. Our mutual economic engagement with China
was evident during the economic growth of the past two
decades. It is even clearer now in economic hard times
and in the array – excuse me – in the array of global
challenges we face, from nuclear security to climate
change to pandemic disease and so much else.
Now, some believe that China on the rise is, by definition,
an adversary. To the contrary, we believe that the United
States and China can benefit from and contribute to each
other’s successes. It is in our interest to work harder to
build on areas of common concern and shared
opportunities. China has already asserted itself in positive
ways as chair of the Six-Party Talks and in its
participation in international peacekeeping efforts. And
our two countries, I’m happy to say, will resume mid-level
military-to-military discussions later this month. And we
look forward to further improved relations across the
Taiwan Strait.
Even with our differences, the United States will remain
committed to pursuing a positive relationship with China,
one that we believe is essential to America’s future
peace, progress, and prosperity.
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