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護法使者
古士塔夫

April 3, 2008
Op-Ed Columnist

A Not-So-Fine Romance

In the aftermath of the Tibet upheavals, the complicated romance between America and China is degenerating into mutual recriminations, muttering about Olympic boycotts and tensions that are likely to rise through the summer.

It would be convenient if we could simply denounce the crackdown in Tibet as the unpopular action of a dictatorial government. But it wasn’t. It was the popular action of a dictatorial government, and many ordinary Chinese think the government acted too wimpishly, showing far too much restraint toward “thugs” and “rioters.”

China and the U.S. clash partly because of competing interests, but mostly because of competing narratives. To Americans, Tibet fits neatly into a framework of human rights and colonialism. To Chinese, steeped in education of 150 years of “guochi,” or national humiliations by foreigners, the current episode is one more effort by imperialistic and condescending foreigners to tear China apart or hold it back.

So what do we do? A boycott of the Olympic Games themselves is a nonstarter. House Speaker Nancy Pelosi has raised the possibility of a boycott of the opening ceremony, and that is plausible.

The best answer is: Postpone the decision until the last minute so as to extort every last ounce of good behavior possible out of the Chinese government — on Darfur as well as Tibet. But at the end of the day, if there have been no further abuses, President Bush should attend — for staying away would only inflame Chinese nationalism and make Beijing more obdurate.

If President Bush attends the ceremonies, however, he should balance that with a day trip to a Tibetan area. Such a visit would underscore American concern, even if the Chinese trot out fake monks to express fake contentment with fake freedom.

President Bush and other Western leaders should also continue to consult with the Dalai Lama, even though this infuriates Beijing. The Dalai Lama is the last, best hope for reaching an agreement that would resolve the dispute over Tibet forever. He accepts autonomy, rather than independence, and he has the moral authority to persuade Tibetans to accept a deal.

The outlines of an agreement would be simple. The Dalai Lama would return to Tibet as a spiritual leader, and Tibetans would be permitted to possess his picture and revere him, while he would unequivocally accept Chinese sovereignty. Monasteries would have much greater religious freedom, and Han Chinese migration to Tibet would be limited. The Dalai Lama would also accept that the Tibetan region encompasses only what is now labeled Tibet on the maps, not the much larger region of historic Tibet that he has continued to claim.

With such an arrangement, China could resolve the problem of Tibet, improve its international image, reassure Taiwan and rectify a 50-year-old policy of repression that has catastrophically failed.

But don’t hold your breath. Instead, President Hu Jintao — who made his reputation by crushing protests in Tibet in 1989 — will make up for failed policy within Tibet by trying to stir up Chinese nationalist resentments at nosy foreigners.

America and China get on each other’s nerves partly because they are so similar. Both are big, self-absorbed, and insular nations; both are entrepreneurial overachievers; both are infused with nationalism and yet tread clumsily on the nationalism of others — whether in Vietnam or Iraq, or Tibet and the Muslim region of Xinjiang.

Both the United States and China also hurt themselves by petulantly refusing to engage leaders they don’t like. The U.S. shrinks from talking with Iranian and Cuban leaders, and China refuses to negotiate directly with the Dalai Lama, whom it recently denounced as “a jackal wrapped in a habit, a monster with human face and animal’s heart.”

That refusal to talk is stunningly foolish. Nearly every Tibetan I’ve ever spoken to in Tibet, Qinghai, Sichuan or Gansu has been loyal to the Dalai Lama — except those who think he’s too gentle and accommodating toward China. After the Dalai Lama dies, there will be no one to hold Tibetans back, and more militant organizers in the Tibetan Youth Congress and other organizations will turn to violence, and perhaps terrorism.

The only other Tibetan who could fill that vacuum is the Panchen Lama, the No. 2 Tibetan leader, who turns 19 later this month. But the Chinese government kidnapped the Panchen Lama when he was 6 years old and apparently has kept him under house arrest ever since.

Americans sometimes think that the Tibetan resentments are just about political and religious freedom. They’re much more complicated than that. Tibetan anger is also fueled by the success of Han Chinese shop owners, who are often better educated and more entrepreneurial. So Tibetans seek solace in monasteries or bars, and the economic gap widens and provokes even more frustration — which the spotlight of the Olympics gives them a chance to express.

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COLUMN ONE

Tibetan exiles in Dharamsala, India, settle in with disillusionment

http://www.latimes.com/news/nationworld/world/la-fg-india-dharamsala-20100922,0,1379813.story

September 22, 2010

Dharamsala, the Indian hill town of monks, chocolate pancakes and backpacker kitsch, has long been a mecca for Tibetans fleeing Chinese communist rule. Thousands have made the tortuous journey over the Himalayas from Lhasa, drawn by the promise of a new life, freedom of expression and the presence of their spiritual leader, the Dalai Lama, who arrived in 1959 after he fled Tibet.

But it's also become a town of tarnished illusions, homesickness, intrigue and a more nuanced view of China than one might expect from the anti-China posters, anti-Beijing testimonials and shops claiming to shun all Chinese products.


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"When I was in China, friends told me Dharamsala was a paradise, you didn't even need money," said Golma, 39, who uses one name. She arrived here several years ago with her husband and young daughter.

"But life isn't easy, and this place is quite dirty," she said, pointing to an open sewer strewn with plastic bags, animal waste and rotting vegetables. "I couldn't believe the Dalai Lama would live in such a messy place."

In their headlong rush for greener pastures, some Tibetans here say, they underestimated the hardship of starting anew, and even the benefits of living under Chinese rule.

Tibet has lived in the shadow of — or been outright controlled by — its powerful neighbor for centuries. Chinese troops invaded in 1950, and some exile groups continue to call for Tibetan independence.

In 2003, Tsering Dolma, like many, sneaked over the mountains from the Tibet Autonomous Region with the help of a paid guide after friends in Lhasa, the Tibetan capital, told her Dharamsala was heaven on Earth, every tree weighed down by juicy peaches, her favorite fruit.

"After I got here, I kept thinking, 'There must be another India I'm missing,' " the waitress said. "Now I want to go back, but can't. I'm stuck."

An estimated 2,000 to 2,500 Tibetans arrive annually, and their numbers in India totaled 110,000 at the last census, in 2001. Tibetans in the country can't vote or get a passport but are free to work and own property.

The most common problems faced by the newly arrived exiles, said Nawang Thogmed, a Tibetan government-in-exile official, include language barriers, their dislike of Indian food, and the warm weather, which makes their traditional woolen garments and yak-hide apparel uncomfortable.

Many initially live at the Tibetan Reception Center on Dharamsala's Jogibara Road, a three-story building with chipped concrete floors, clotheslines strung like spider webs and stained yellow shelves littered with expired medicines. "Reach High, Sky Is Not the Limit" reads a poster with a picture of a red Ferrari.

Though several exiles said they welcomed India's freedom of speech, some worried that Chinese spies in Dharamsala might report back if they spoke out, potentially endangering relatives in Tibet.

The Hindustan Times reported this month that security around the Dalai Lama had been boosted amid suspicion that Chinese spies disguised as monks were operating in Dharamsala.

Sonam Dawa, 25, a cook who has crossed the border three times, has all the proof of espionage he needs. Almost immediately after he applied for an identity card for exiles a few years ago, his parents in Tibet — who weren't even aware he'd left — were visited by Chinese police, who accused their son of being a traitor. "It's clear to me they have spies here," he said.

Though Tibetans worry that China is trying to weaken Tibetan culture — a claim Beijing denies — some believe their culture is also under subtle attack in Dharamsala.

"Here we watch Indian television in Hindi or English, diluting our Tibetan," said Lobsang Rabsel, 38, a restaurant manager and former monk who said he fled Tibet after being beaten by Chinese police. "Preserving our culture here isn't easy, either. Not that everything about our culture is good, but as a minority we should fight to keep it."

Nor is Dharamsala immune to cultural prejudices. Dawa, the cook, sang Tibetan opera in Lhasa, but now he finds himself excluded from local singing groups. "I know I have a good voice and dance well," he said. "But here they say my style is too Chinese, too much like Peking opera. China has some good things, but sometimes people here think everything's bad."

For restaurant manager Rabsel, the ability to speak his mind far outweighs any resettlement problems. As a young monk, he saw fellow clerics beaten and tortured. He was subject to re-education sessions by Chinese security officials, who insisted that he denounce the Dalai Lama as a "cannibal" and a "wolf in monk's clothing."

"I couldn't imagine staying," he said. "If you only care about money, you can have a good life in China."

Others, however, said most people who remain in Tibet just want to feed their families.

"China has jobs; you can start a business without a lot of bureaucracy. You don't get Delhi belly [dysentery] all the time," said Golma, who makes $60 a month as a Dharamsala shopkeeper, compared with $300 to $400 a month in Lhasa.

If you make a political ruckus in China you're likely to get in trouble, added Golma, who was dressed in a traditional Tibetan chupa robe, knockoff Crocs and worn green socks. "But there's also freedom in enjoying your life."

Several exiles paraphrased the Dalai Lama, noting that it's important to distinguish between the Chinese people and their government's policies. "Both societies have good and bad," Rabsel said.

Though China is better organized and has lifted far more people out of poverty, he said, the communist government is often extremely repressive toward the Tibetan minority. India may be bureaucratic and slow-moving, other exiles said, but its people are more tolerant.

"Superficially, everything's better in China," said Dawa. "But mentally, there's also lots of pressure there. You have to think before you talk."

He paused for a minute. "But I really miss my family. I'd like to go back if I ever get the chance."

mark.magnier@latimes.com

Anshul Rana in The Times' New Delhi Bureau contributed to this report.

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1959年以前達賴即與美國聯繫游擊戰事宜:1959年並非和平抗暴
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http://news.xinhuanet.com/politics/2010-09/19/c_12585864.htm

據外媒報導,910日,美國中央情報局、林務局為設在美國科羅拉多州中部山區赫爾營的“西藏自由鬥士榮譽紀念碑匾”舉行揭幕儀式,以“紀念”從1958年至1964年由中情局培訓的“西藏自由鬥士”及其美國教官。達賴集團在當地的組織、前中情局特工、曾受訓的藏人和少數美國議員、林務局官員等參加了活動。匾牌文字吹捧當年受訓者“是最棒和最勇敢的一代”,到場美國會參議員聲稱“匾牌是美國和西藏人民共同努力的一個象徵,同時可以使我們永久的紀念西藏自由鬥士和他們的教官”。時至今日,有人還把上世紀五、六十年代達賴集團與美國中情局聯手策動武裝叛亂、搞“西藏獨立”的最骯髒、最無恥、最陰暗的一幕拿出來紀念,這不能不引人們思索。從這個角度講,這個匾牌設得好,好就好在它使人們重新想起當年達賴和美國中情局秘密勾結顛覆新中國的罪惡歷史,揭示了達賴集團一貫搞暴力恐怖的本來面目,暴露了達賴和某些外國人時刻準備再次用暴力恐怖手段實現“西藏獨立”的真實用心。

  赫爾訓練營的真相

  第二次世界大戰後,美國直接插手“西藏問題”,企圖利用西藏上層反動集團達到遏制中國人民解放事業、破壞中國統一的目的。早在1954年,美國中情局就開始在藏族人中招募特工人員,並在境外訓練,然後派遣偷渡回到西藏,進行武裝叛亂和暴力恐怖活動。負責與美方聯絡和組織招募特工的負責人就是達賴的大哥土登諾布和二哥嘉樂頓珠。1956年春四川西部藏區的叛亂武裝“四水六崗衛教軍”被擊潰後竄入拉薩,這被美國視為插手西藏、分裂中國的千載難逢的機會。時任中情局局長的艾倫·杜勒斯說,“我們要向西藏叛亂分子提供秘密幫助,襲擾中國”。這年11月土登諾布和嘉樂頓珠在印度加爾各答向中情局請求援助,雙方一拍即合。美國當即表示可以幫助訓練“康巴遊擊戰士”,然後再空投回去,根據他們回饋的情報對當地叛軍予以支援。訓練基地先是設在太平洋琉球、塞班等島嶼,後來因受訓藏人身體不適,重新選擇了位於美國本土、與西藏地形相近的海拔10000英尺、位於洛磯山脈深處的赫爾營。

1957716日《丹佛郵報》報導,科羅拉多州赫爾營即將啟用為軍事試驗基地。在這個基地的門口赫然懸掛“危險!請勿接近”的牌子,讓登山者誤以為是核廢料處理場,營地警衛也得到命令,凡遇未經許可闖入者一律就地擊斃。就是在這個遙遠的秘密基地,美中情局和達賴集團先後挑選了170多名叛亂分子(也有親歷者說有300多人)進行訓練,內容包括兵器、爆破、竊聽、電臺及開展遊擊戰等各種技能。據美國1964年財政撥款計畫顯示,當年美國給秘密培訓基地的費用是40萬美元,用於支付受訓藏人返回的路費等約35.5萬美元,給“藏人遊擊組織”的費用50萬美元,給“設備、交通”等為22.5萬美元。這些被挑出來受訓的叛匪當時根本不知道將要去哪裡,更不知道等待他們的是什麼命運。

  “西藏自由鬥士”罪行累累

  中情局的資料顯示,從1957年起先後有8批共49名受訓叛匪帶著電臺被空投到以拉薩、昌都、理塘等為中心的核心叛亂地區,擔負收集情報、引導美國空軍偵察和組織叛亂武裝任務。此後在這些特工的指引下,美國空軍對藏區叛匪進行了30多次空投,投下的物資多達250噸,包括近萬支M1步槍、司登衝鋒槍等槍械,輕便的57無後坐力炮、高射機槍以及金錢等,以至於一些叛匪見錢眼開,為爭奪物資發生激烈火拼。據一些受訓叛匪後來交待,他們在科羅拉多州訓練後,直接空投到康區十一個地區,直到1963年都在與中國軍隊作戰,美國也一直支援武器和彈藥。第二批空投回藏的旺堆嘉措後來擔任了“四水六崗衛教軍”司令,直至1974年在中尼邊境被尼泊爾軍擊斃。

流竄藏區的叛匪得到美國和西藏上層反動集團的援助後,大肆徵募人員,氣焰更加囂張,“四水六崗衛教軍”人數一度發展到4000多人。他們攻擊黨政機關、人民解放軍,破壞交通,殘忍殺害愛國人士,使叛亂活動四處蔓延。包括受訓特工在內的叛亂武裝披著“民族、宗教”的外衣,幹了大量殘害藏族人民的事。在山南僅有59戶的凱松溪卡,被“衛教軍”擄掠達10個月之久,澤當周邊許多婦女遭到強姦,叛匪任意搶奪財物、騾馬,藏民稍不順從即遭殘殺,叛匪之間為利益爭奪也內訌不斷。當時達賴領導的西藏地方政府也有記錄,僅19588月,就收到藏民控告叛亂武裝的案件70多起。

  這麼一個“衛教軍”卻得到達賴的公開支持。19577月,當時身為全國人大副委員長的達賴接受他們奉獻的“金寶座”,並向在場的500人回贈禮品、掛哈達,極大鼓舞了叛亂活動。他的三哥洛桑三旦明確要求江達地區頭人齊美公佈發動叛亂,說“這是達賴喇嘛的指令”。正是在達賴的支持、庇護下,1959310日,西藏上層反動集團發動了全面武裝叛亂。達賴對於美國中情局在整個武裝叛亂中的地位和作用大加吹捧,感恩莫名。1999610日,《紐約書評》“達賴談繼承人和中情局”一文報導,達賴說,“康巴人之所以能在藏南肅清漢人得益于中情局。如果沒有中情局的幫助康巴人就不能肅清漢人,如果藏南的漢人不肅清我也不能從拉薩逃到印度”。

  事實充分說明,在赫爾營受訓的只是些封建農奴制度的擁護者和反動農奴主的打手。美國教官教給這些人種種殺人技術,通過他們在西藏製造叛亂和殺戮,欠下了中國人民一筆至今未還的血債。中情局一些人不思悔改,還夥同達賴集團立牌匾紀念過去的罪惡,這恰恰可以提示善良的人們:在這個世界上,仍有人沉溺於分裂中國的幻想之中。

達賴集團叛亂行徑根本不得人心。在廣大藏民的支持下,人民解放軍迅速平息了叛亂,殘餘的叛匪向境外逃竄。據中情局的資料,空投回藏區的49名特工,除10人逃到印度,2人被俘(後被中國政府寬大釋放),其他37人不是被擊斃就是在荒山野嶺逃竄時凍餓而死。倒楣的“自由鬥士”到了境外,利用價值迅速貶值。他們盤踞在尼泊爾的木斯塘地區,最初尚能得到中情局的一些空投物資,但隨著時間的推移,對中國邊境的威脅越來越低,也就越來越不能討得主子歡心。1965年,中情局停止了空投。1972年美國尼克森總統訪華後,美國從自身戰略需要出發中止了對“藏獨”分子的資助。1974年尼泊爾政府一舉殲滅了盤據在木斯塘地區的叛匪。

  叛匪這樣的下場並不讓人意外,因為作為別人手上的棋子,命運從來不是由自己決定的。《冷戰孤兒》一書的作者克納斯說得很直白,對於美國人來說,美國插手西藏事務的目的從一開始就很明確:“這和幫助西藏人一點關係都沒有,只是要給共產黨中國製造點麻煩。”當時負責中情局與達賴集團聯絡的特工拉莫次仁說,美國之所以支持西藏遊擊隊行動,是因為利用藏人在西藏收集情報對美國非常重要。在尼泊爾清繳叛匪之後的審判中,一些頭目交待,上世紀60年代初,美國政府更迭,有幾年的時間中情局根本不提供物資,結果不少叛匪被餓死凍死在山裡。對這些人的命運,達賴是清楚的;對美國的“可靠性”,達賴更是心知肚明。他在1990年的“自傳”中對此有生動描述:“美國人不希望留下援助西藏的把柄,刻意不提供美制的裝備。他們空投的都是粗製濫造的火箭炮及老舊的英制步槍,後者在印度及巴基斯坦都極為普遍,萬一被中方擄獲,也無法追蹤來源”。“這不是因為他們(美國人)關心西藏的獨立,而是作為他們在全世界企圖破壞共產黨政府穩定的努力的一部分”。199511月,達賴在達蘭薩拉與當年在赫爾營負責訓練叛匪的中情局退休官員見面時回顧過去的合作,說:“美國政府捲入西藏事務並不是為了説明西藏,而僅僅是冷戰時期對付蘇聯的戰術需要”。達賴和美國中情局的關係,說白了,就是互相利用、互相支撐,必要時也不妨互相出賣。

從七十年代末、八十年代初開始,達賴標榜“中間道路”,聲稱改行“非暴力”了。但是,對他與美國中情局聯手導演的上個世紀五十年代末那場武裝叛亂及其給廣大藏族人民帶來深重災難,他從來沒有半句懺悔。在上述1990年自傳中,達賴抱怨的僅僅是中情局給的武器還不夠先進,害得他們一夥殺人還不夠多。幾十年來,達賴不斷向境外藏胞灌輸1959年的武裝叛亂是“和平抗議”,今年62日達賴在達蘭薩拉公然對2000多名學生講,“我們爭取的是一個民族的正義鬥爭,這樣的鬥爭是要換代的,你們要一代一代地奮鬥下去”,這不是公開煽動重演1959年武裝叛亂那一幕嗎!。

  達賴的“非暴力”是說給國際社會聽的,以騙取同情和金錢,也給他的外國主子支持“西藏獨立”搞一塊遮羞布,實際上他領導的這股勢力從來沒有停止過暴力恐怖活動。最近的例子就是2008年“3·14”發生在拉薩的嚴重暴力犯罪事件。在事發之前的33日,達賴專門接見了一個從國內跑出去的理塘籍犯罪分子組成的組織,稱他們“為了西藏人民的事業而受苦”,並“讚賞”歷史上理塘人“率先抵抗了共產黨軍隊向西藏殘暴和不道德的入侵”。“3·14”事件之後,面對犯罪分子大量血腥暴行的事實,達賴對英國BBC記者宣稱“無論藏人在何時做何事,我都不會要求他們停下來,這是人民的行動”,唯恐暴力活動鬧不大。“以純”服裝店5個少女被活活燒死,他卻誣衊被燒的是妓院、被燒死的人是妓女,鼓吹放火有理、殺人有理。“藏青會”頭目次旺仁增公開對義大利“晚郵報”宣稱“將採取包括自殺式襲擊在內的所有可能手段”,但以“西藏國家和政府的領袖”自居的達賴從來沒有對此類言行有半句批評,相反卻以“民主權利”為藉口百般包庇、縱容。

 

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达赖喇嘛的两个世界
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达赖喇嘛的两个世界

(2010-05-19)http://www.zaobao.com/yl/tx100519_002.shtml

石之瑜

  达赖的形象在不同政治团体与不同政治理念之下,常常显得颇不一致,可见达赖的形象不是达赖自己能决定的。但是,当达赖面对不同的世界,比如面对西藏、中国、台湾或其他各地的信徒,是不是也有不同的认识角度?这就是本文要探讨的。

  透过印度“亚洲学者学会”的联系,由台湾大学政治学系出版的Asian Ethnicity期刊所组织的西藏研究特刊团队,在德兰萨拉纪念达赖喇嘛抵达周年前夕(4月25日),获得他的接见。团队包括四名印度学者,一名在印法裔学者,一名在华澳裔学者,与三名台湾学者。

  这是在达赖某次闭关六天后的第一次正式接见,历时90分钟,过程是知性、直率的。参与其间,对于达赖的思想与情感世界,能有更深体会。

  访问团的目的是整理世界各国对西藏研究的的角度。其中,美英等国家的文献中,常带有明显的主权与人权意涵。但同属英语写作的澳洲或印度则不止于此。印度知识界另外存在一种倾向,将西藏视为印度相互融合的文明,而澳洲知识界常有作者将西藏视为某种有行动能力的主体,后两者尤其较少触及主权问题。

采取地缘文明视野

  对于把西藏作为一种宗教、文明,或把西藏视为具有领土、主权的“国家”等等不同的概念,达赖喇嘛有什么看法或愿望呢?

  达赖的答复采取了地缘文明的视野。地缘文明理论是旅印华裔学者谭中近年的主张。谭中虽退休在美,仍笔耕不辍,近且返印接受莲花奖的荣誉。谭中主张,孕育中印文明的大河均源自喜马拉雅山,所以喜马拉雅山像是母亲,中印自应亲如兄弟,进而认为影响中印关系的原理,超越欧美知识界长期以来藉以理解国际关系的地缘政治与地缘经济逻辑,是为地缘文明理论。

  达赖喇嘛没有引用这个概念,但实际却是采取了地缘文明的道理。达赖具体引述大陆学者的研究指出,西藏生态的破坏对于中国生态的影响至钜。适逢访问团抵达之前两日,印度媒体就中国在印度水源上游建造水库,威胁印度生存的议题鼓噪不已。

访客提出不同观点

 达赖相应指出,除非中印两国合作保护西藏的生态,否则两大文明都将遭到严重破坏。他接着细数印度与西藏的历史与宗教渊源,获得与会印度学者的肯定。但他转而批评中国的极权统治造成人与人的猜忌,以及对西藏的迫害时,引发热烈讨论。 

  访客所提出的相对观点包括,极权社会的人际关系不一定是相互猜忌的,此其一;现在的中国社会并不是极权社会,此其二;在中国有生活经验的人不认为目前中国的人际关系适合用相互猜忌来描述,此其三;另外,相互猜忌在所谓非极权的社会也可以很普遍,成为话题的例子是台湾,此其四。

  达赖认为台湾社会的稳定是因为台湾民主,但有访客提出的相应的观点则指出,民主反而是台湾社会不稳定的来源,儒家文化与佛教等文明力量才是台湾社会稳定的基础。

  达赖嘲弄自己有更换两套面目的本领,这是因为过去生活在极权社会下养成的生存之道。他坦承,从来没有听说过台湾不算民主的说法。所以访客提到台湾人或美国人也有两套面目的本领。这方面的讨论,最终不了了之。

“民主是好的,西方会保护”

  不过,后来在与访客道别时达赖特别提到,民主是好的,因为西方会保护,所以中国就不敢打。但这个工具性极强的逻辑,似乎距离所谓民主社会人际关系真诚的设想,已经有所距离。

  席间访客继续追问的是,西藏目前的状况并非如所描述是惨遭文化灭绝。达赖则举例称某中国官员某时如何提及如何对付西藏文化,或藏语教育如何受到排斥等等。但有前往西藏多次的与会者坚持实无看到文化灭绝迹象,达赖随即指示随从,今后应说是在“某些方面”采取文化灭绝。

  不过,多数与会者可以体会达赖的忧虑,因为倘若蔑视西藏文化的谈话可以出现,且不受惩罚,即使并非政策,但作为受蔑视对象之一的达赖,当然感到寝食难安。

达赖的两套面目

  达赖喇嘛确实有两套面目,但并不是他自己所影射的真面目与假面目,而是理念与工具两套面目。

 在谈到西藏时,他非常深入,哲学性与历史感深厚,情感流露,在谈到西藏以外的人事时。则是从关怀西藏出发进行理解,所以便是具有工具性的解读。这样两套面目,世人中凡抱有终极关怀者无不皆然,重点在于各有不同的终极关怀而已。

  达赖的终极关怀既是西藏,所以一方面能看到别人看不到的西藏的价值,认识并衷情于西藏的宗教涵养,另一方面他怀疑中国进行文化灭绝,憧憬台湾的民主,羡慕美国的保护等等。

  可见,他的两套面目所反映的,断断不是真假的问题,而是一种终极关怀。与他关怀不同者,当然只能留在工具价值的范畴里。

  作者是台湾大学政治系教授

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http://news.xinhuanet.com/world/2010-02/21/content_13017247.htm

事实胜于雄辩——评达赖集团"中共所谓‘旧西藏是一个封建农奴制’纯属虚构"一文

新华网北京2月21日电 题:事实胜于雄辩——评达赖集团“中共所谓‘旧西藏是一个封建农奴制’纯属虚构”一文

    张云

    2010年1月5日,达赖集团的《西藏之页》发表题为《中共所谓“旧西藏是一个封建农奴制”纯属虚构》(下文简称《虚构》)的文章,声称1949年以前的“西藏既不是一个理想的社会,也不是一个‘封建农奴制’社会”。文章把旧西藏描绘成一种自给自足、佃农相当富裕、没有饥荒和很少乞丐、法治公平的社会,甚至认为旧西藏是一个比今天中国“更加文明的社会”。达赖集团如此无视客观事实,大张旗鼓地为旧西藏政教合一封建农奴制社会叫好,这是前所未有的,也是发人深思的。

    一、旧西藏是政教合一的封建农奴制是客观存在,也是国际上的广泛共识

    旧西藏是否是政教合一的封建农奴制社会,代表封建农奴主立场的人说了不算,中外史料的记载、学者的研究才最具说服力。

    藏文著作中的旧西藏封建农奴制。藏文档案文献中保存着大量反映旧西藏封建农奴制的资料。据《西藏历史档案公文选·水晶明鉴》记载,在旧西藏,哲蚌寺拉基(总管委员会)负责人颁布给属民百姓的永久执照说道:“上官大人对该(哲蚌寺罗色林)扎仓无限关怀照顾,颁发了永久执照,各信徒奉献的所有男女奴隶、土地、草场牧地等统归罗色林所有;此外,在未向本扎仓报告之前,不许暗地里勾结,将土地租给他人;不许奴隶外逃;不许与其他领土的属民结婚,造成属民外流。下属百姓理应安分守己,小心谨慎地支付各自负担的差税,不得拖欠。”从这件档案中我们可以看到:首先,哲蚌寺颁布的执照就公开承认存在“奴隶”制度,寺院里的奴隶完全没有人身自由,他们是被作为财产转赠给寺院的;其次,奴隶被固定在寺院的领地上,并禁止逃跑;第三,寺院奴隶没有通婚的自由;第四,他们只是会说话的工具,只能安分守己地为寺院服役缴税。

汉文记载中的旧西藏封建农奴制。清末、民国时期汉文著作对西藏地方的社会制度也有丰富的记载,客观反映出封建农奴制的基本特征。如陈健夫在1937年出版的《西藏问题》中谈到“西藏人民的阶级”时说:“西藏地方大部分有贵族血统家庭,那班贵族们手操大权,有钱有势,同僧侣平分政权,俨然如一特殊阶级。……贵族对于租户是很残忍的,往往是毒打,可怜的那租户总是体无完肤而不敢反抗。”在土地上从事劳动的“农人受地主们的约束,很不自由”。清末宣统三年徐光世、蔡晋成编的《西藏新志》记载:西藏地方“刑法根于藏地之习惯者有四十一条,极为惨酷”,“抢夺劫杀者,不分首从皆处死罪。其法:缚犯人于柱,以炝或箭较射死,否则斫头悬示,或生缚送往蝎子之洞穴使螫之。盗人财物者,监禁其一家,追比倍数,待追完则抉盗者目,劓鼻或断其手足。”从这些记述中可以看出,旧西藏存在的是由世俗贵族和僧侣阶级组成的政教合一的政权,实行的是极端惨酷的刑法,农民没有人身自由,这一切不正是政教合一的封建农奴制社会的真实写照么?

    外国人笔下的旧西藏封建农奴制。晚清及民国有许多外国人进入西藏地方,他们将所见所闻记录下来,同样给人们展开一幅落后而萧瑟的封建农奴制社会景象。英国人埃德蒙·坎德勒在所著《拉萨真面目》一书中记载,当时的西藏,“人民还停留在中世纪的年代,不仅仅是在他们的政体、宗教方面,在他们的严厉惩罚、巫术、灵童转世以及要经受烈火与沸油的折磨方面是如此,而且在他们日常生活的所有方面也都不例外。”20世纪20年代长期在拉萨生活的英国人查尔斯·贝尔在他的《西藏志》中写道,“西藏仍在封建时期,其贵族握有大权,势力浩大,贵族与僧侣,共同盘据政府中的重要位置,其财产之巨大,亦不弱于寺院。”法国旅行家亚历山大·达维·尼尔在《古老的西藏面对新生的中国》一书中说,“在西藏,所有农民都是终身负债的农奴,在他们中间很难找到一个已经还清了债务的人。”印度学者拉姆·拉赫尔说,“(旧)西藏的农民,特别是在贵族和寺院的庄园里干活的农民,从某种意义上讲都是农奴。”美国学者多尔施·玛丽·德·弗在《侗登林事例:西藏难民生活以及有关改革的建议》一文中在谈到农奴主利用宗教进行精神控制问题时说,“如果完全从世俗的观点看,这一说法是设想出来的一种最狡猾、最有害的社会控制方式。对普通的藏人来说,接受了这个教义就使他一生都不能改变自己的命运。按照‘业’的说法,如果一个人生下来是奴隶,那不是奴隶主的错,而是奴隶自己的错,因为他们前世肯定犯了什么错误。而奴隶主则是因为前世做了好事,因此这辈子受到奖励。对奴隶来说,如果他想砸碎身上的枷锁,那他来世的命运注定要比今世更坏。”大量的记载无不揭示旧西藏是一个政教合一的封建农奴制社会。

    达赖集团在《虚构》一文中对旧西藏的社会状况极尽美化之能事,完全是颠倒黑白。现列举如下:

    ——旧西藏等级森严的严刑峻法被描绘为“先进”、“文明”的法治。《虚构》一文极力美化旧西藏的法律制度,宣称“西藏的法律体系和法治经过几百年的发展变得更加先进”,西藏地方历代的法律“其实质是,统治者应作为其臣民的父母”,“历代执政者先后颁布的十六、十五、十三、十二条法典充分反映了这种精神”,认为旧西藏的行政管理制度“总体上对穷人和富人同样有利”。

    事实是,旧西藏通行了几百年的《十三法典》和《十六法典》将人分成三等九级,明确规定:上等上级的人如王子、大活佛等,其命价为与其身体等重的黄金,而下等下级人如妇女、屠夫、猎户、匠人等,其命价仅为一根草绳。旧西藏地方政府设有法庭和监狱,大寺庙也设有法庭和监狱,僧俗领主还可以设立私牢。当时的刑罚极其野蛮残酷,有剜眼、砍手、断足、剥皮、抽筋、投水等。根据美国学者谭·格伦夫引证的资料,“一位在西藏住了20年的英国居民说,她看见了无数挖眼睛和使人致残的事件。40年代末,另一位居民说,‘在西藏全境,可到处看到因盗窃而被砍去了手臂或大腿的人。’”

    ——把旧西藏极端贫穷落后的封建农奴制社会美化为“自给自足”的社会。《虚构》一文宣称,旧西藏是一个“经济上自给自足”的社会,“在西藏中部人口中很小的比例是佃农。他们从贵族和寺院租得土地,并以实物或体力劳动向财产持有人支付租金”,并认为这些佃农“相对富裕,有时甚至出借资金或粮食给庄园主”。事实是,旧西藏的全部耕地、牧场、森林、山川、河流、河滩以及大部分牲畜,都由约占人口5%的官家、贵族、寺庙上层僧侣三大领主及其代理人占有。占西藏人口90%左右的“差巴”(领种份地,向农奴主支差役的人)、“堆穷”(意为冒烟的小户)是农奴,他们没有生产资料和人身自由,靠耕种份地维持生计。另有约5%的“朗生”是世代奴隶,被当成“会说话的工具”。据17世纪清朝初年统计,当时西藏约有耕地300万克(西藏地方的面积单位,一克约合一亩),其中30.9%为封建地方政府占有,29.6%为贵族占有,39.5%为寺院和上层僧侣占有。此后,三大领主垄断生产资料的状况基本没有改变。英国人查尔斯·贝尔爵士在《西藏的过去和现在》中记载,“小孩子被人从父母身边偷走,沦为奴隶,或者父母亲太穷,养不活他们的小孩,于是把他卖给别人,那人向他们付一笔‘母亲的奶汁费’,把孩子养大,就让他当自己的奴隶或把他卖给别人当奴隶……”。上个世纪上半叶,查尔斯·贝尔在《十三世达赖喇嘛传》一书中指出,当时由于疾病困扰“使得急待发展的人口日益减少。数目庞大的喇嘛大多数是独身,导致了同样的结果。肺病、甲状腺肿、流行性感冒、天花等疾病也很流行,天花尤其可怕……由于饮食粗糙和其他原因,众多儿童夭折”。

    ——把旧西藏政教合一制度下的寺庙幻化为传统道德生活的典范。《虚构》一文宣称,“寺院作为西藏纪律严明的教育中心和知识枢纽,是藏族传统生活方式的典范”。事实是,民主改革前,西藏寺庙占有全区耕地约121万克,还占有大量牲畜和牧场。仅拉萨的哲蚌、色拉、甘丹三大寺僧人就超过万人,共占有庄园321个、土地上万克,占有牧场450个、牲畜11万头、占有农牧奴6万多人,寺庙是西藏最大的高利贷主。美国记者安娜在《西藏采访记》中记载:“哲蚌寺总收入的四分之一来自高利贷,利率表面上为百分之二十,实际上要高得多。……当这种那种形式的债务堆积成山,无力偿还时,牧民就必须以‘个人作为抵押’,被沦为奴隶,为期二十五年,在那种苦难的生活条件下,他们很少能幸存下来。”已故十世班禅大师1988年4月接受《民族团结》记者采访时曾指出:“那时候,僧侣领主都有监狱或私牢。当时刑罚非常野蛮残酷。像剜目、割鼻、断手、剁脚、抽筋、投水等。在西藏最大寺庙之一甘丹寺就有许多手铐、脚镣、棍棒和用来剜目、抽筋等的残酷刑具。”

    总之,旧西藏是政教合一的封建农奴制社会,这是一个不争的事实。达赖集团之所以煞费苦心地为旧西藏社会制度进行百般辩护,是因为他们始终是这一落后的政教合一的封建农奴制的代表,始终代表的是封建农奴主阶级的利益。1959年,他们为了捍卫这一制度“永远不变”曾不惜发动分裂国家的武装叛乱,叛逃国外后,也从未放弃过在西藏恢复农奴制统治的梦想。如今,旧西藏政教合一封建农奴制的黑暗统治已为世界越来越多的人们所了解,达赖集团为了掩盖事实真相,不得不制造各种谎言以图欺骗世人。

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新華網北京2月19日電  題:達賴挾洋自重必然失敗 

http://news.xinhuanet.com/world/2010-02/19/content_13009752_2.htm

    益多 

    借助外國勢力使所謂“西藏問題”國際化,對中國政府施加壓力,最終實現“西藏獨立”,這一圖謀貫穿十四世達賴喇嘛五十多年流亡生涯。近年來達賴更是想盡名目在國際上竄訪,乞求一些國家領導人接見。2月18日,達賴不顧中國政府有關部門的嚴正警告,執意竄美會見總統奧巴馬,蓄意破壞中美關係,並在會見後腆然聲稱“我有責任爲600萬藏人代言”。但是達賴忘記了,歷史早就證明,西藏的前途從來是包括西藏各族群衆在內的全中國人民說了算的,而不是他和幾個外國人說了算的。 

    所謂“西藏問題”是一個僞命題 

    西藏自古就是中國的一部分,根本不存在達賴集團和一些外國勢力所謂的“西藏問題”。所謂“西藏問題”是帝國主義爲了侵略、瓜分和遏制中國而炮製出來的。1888年、1904年英國兩次武裝入侵西藏,但是由於西藏人民在全國人民支援下英勇反抗,使侵略者用武力把西藏從中國分裂出去的圖謀沒有得逞,外國勢力由此轉而在西藏地方統治集團上層培植“西藏獨立”的代理人。美國在第二次世界大戰後直接插手西藏事務,干擾破壞中國統一和人民解放事業。西藏地方上層反動集團爲了永遠維持政教合一的封建農奴制度,不惜與外國勢力勾結,先是武力抗拒西藏和平解放,後是發動武裝叛亂反對民主改革。1954年,美國中央情報局在藏人中招募特工人員,送到關島、琉球、科羅拉多州等地訓練,而後秘密送回國內,通過邊境偷運、空投等方式給他們提供武器彈藥,進行分裂叛亂活動。1959年3月達賴集團叛亂失敗逃離西藏時,達賴身邊緊跟一名美國中央情報局無線電報務員,通過隨身攜帶的收發報機與外界保持緊密聯繫,指引爲達賴集團空投物資。 

    達賴跑到國外後,一直靠外國勢力供養。據美國解密檔案透露,僅1964年美國用在“西藏專案”上的開支就達166萬美元,包括:支援2100名“西藏遊擊戰士”的費用,器材、運輸、裝置以及操作人員的培訓費用,科羅拉多州秘密訓練基地費用,西藏境內的情報網費用,高級“西藏官員”的教育費用等。其中給達賴的津貼是18萬美元,而當時美國總統的工資也不過10萬美元。如果沒有外國勢力這樣不惜血本,“西藏問題”當時就煙消雲散了。近些年來,一些外國勢力對達賴集團的經濟扶持變得隱諱了些,但力度不減。即使在面對嚴重金融危機的情況下,美國政府2009財年預算爲達賴集團專門列項,總金額仍達1680萬美元,比上年增長25%。此外還以形形色色的非政府組織、基金會名義以及邀請達賴“講經”等方式爲這個集團源源不斷地“輸血”。 

    美化、擡高達賴是一些外國勢力炒作“西藏問題”的又一重要手段。1989年國際形勢劇變之際,一項諾貝爾和平獎的桂冠被及時扣在達賴頭上,此後各類“榮譽”接踵而至。有了這些“光環”,一些國家的政要就有了與達賴見面的“理由”。一些國家議會更成爲支援達賴的急先鋒,一些議員甚至不顧國際關係基本準則和本國政府的立場,公開聲言支援“西藏獨立”。 

    在舊中國積貧積弱的年代,帝國主義和西藏地方分裂勢力尚且不能把西藏從中國分裂出去,在社會主義的中國日益發展壯大的今天,任何“藏獨”圖謀更無異於一場鬧劇。相反,它卻更加激發中國人民捍衛國家主權、領土完整和民族尊嚴的決心。 

達賴集團不具任何合法性 

    作爲一些外國勢力對華戰略中的一枚棋子,達賴極力給自己的小集團披上合法性的外衣。達賴集團2008年散佈的所謂“爲全體藏人實現名符其實自治的建議”再次宣稱,“西藏流亡政府象徵著西藏人民的利益和西藏人民的代表”。在這個“建議”被中國政府有關部門全面駁回之後,達賴集團最近又炮製了一份“闡釋”,聲稱“達賴喇嘛尊者作爲西藏人民合法代表的地位,在任何時候都是不容置疑的”。其實達賴和所謂“流亡政府”是一回事,這個政府的英文全稱是“Central Tibetan Administration of His Holiness the Dalai Lama”,翻譯過來就是“神聖的達賴喇嘛的西藏中央政府”。而事實是,這個“流亡政府”連同它的“政教首腦”達賴連半點合法性也不存在,僅僅是一個從事分裂祖國活動的、靠外國勢力養活的政治小集團。 

1951年中央政府和原西藏地方政府簽訂關於和平解放西藏辦法的協定,即十七條協定。達賴本人專門致電中央表示,“西藏地方政府及藏族僧俗人民一致擁護,並在毛主席及中央人民政府領導下積極協助人民解放軍進藏部隊鞏固國防,驅逐帝國主義勢力出西藏,保衛祖國領土主權的統一”。由於十七條協定的簽定,當時以達賴喇嘛爲首的西藏地方政府具有合法的性質。 

    1959年3月10日,原西藏地方政府統治集團悍然發動武裝叛亂,以“西藏獨立國人民會議”名義宣佈“西藏獨立”。達賴在逃竄途中于山南隆子縣宣佈成立以他爲首的“西藏臨時政府”,此後在外國又搞了一系列宣示“西藏獨立”的活動。3月28日,周恩來總理發佈國務院命令,“查西藏地方政府多數噶倫和上層反動集團……撕毀關於和平解放西藏辦法的十七條協定……這種背叛祖國、破壞統一的行爲,實爲國法所不容”,“特決定自即日起,解散西藏地方政府,由西藏自治區籌備委員會行使西藏地方政府職權”。因此,原西藏地方政府早已被中央政府依法解散,叛逃到外國的人員糾合組成的所謂“西藏流亡政府”完全是違背西藏各族人民利益的,完全是違反中國法律的。1963年10月,所謂“西藏流亡政府”在印度公佈了一個“西藏國憲法”,聲稱西藏是“獨立國家”,“西藏政府的主要職權由達賴喇嘛負責”。達賴撰寫的“西藏未來政體及憲法要旨”聲稱“西藏屬於中國的說法是不真實的”,要求“中國退出西藏”。這一切表明,這個非法的“政府”以“立法”形式與中國憲法和其他法律全面決裂與對立。1964年12月17日,國務院全體會議通過《關於撤銷達賴職務的決定》指出:“達賴在其1959年發動叛國的反革命武裝叛亂、逃亡國外後,組織流亡僞政府,公佈僞憲法……這一切證明他早已自絕于祖國和人民”。 

所以,無論是從人民利益的角度,還是從法理角度,代表西藏地方和西藏人民的,只能是中國中央政府及其領導下的西藏自治區人民政府。達賴及其“流亡政府”沒有任何合法性,沒有任何資格代表西藏地方和西藏人民,世界上迄今也沒有任何國家承認這個“流亡政府”。任何外國政要以任何藉口會見達賴,都是對這個以分裂中國爲目的的非法政治組織的支援。美國總統此次同達賴會見,嚴重違背國際關係基本準則,違反中美三個聯合公報和《中美聯合聲明》確定的原則,違背美國政府多次重申的承認西藏是中國一部分、不支援“西藏獨立”的承諾,也完全違背當年林肯總統廢除美國黑奴制度的進步精神。

達賴自認爲是“印度之子”

    當一些外國勢力聲稱他們支援達賴是爲了“保護西藏獨特的宗教、文化和語言特性”時,達賴本人究竟是不是藏人卻成爲一個問題。 

    2009年3月31日,達賴在新德里對媒體聲稱:“我把自己稱作‘印度之子’。”11月22日在新德里一次國際會議上再次稱,“我在過去50年來,都是吃印度飯生活,因此我也就成了印度之子(I am a son of India)”。今年1月16日,達賴在古吉拉特邦“國際佛教會議”開幕式上說得更直白:“我是印度之子,這是無可質疑的。在過去50年來,我一直靠著印度的食物生存著,而印度的自治給了我巨大的機會。由於這些原因,我將自己視爲印度之子,也爲此感到無比自豪。但我的父母是純藏人,因此外形上,我是一名藏人,而從精神上,我是一名印度人。我……已經做好爲上師印度提供一切服務的準備”。 

如果人們以爲達賴此類言論只是心血來潮,那就錯了。2007年1月23日,達賴對印度媒體聲稱,“1914年西藏政府和英屬印度都承認了麥克馬洪線,根據當時的條約,阿魯納恰爾邦成爲印度的一部分”。2009年8月10日,達賴又對英國媒體說:“麥克馬洪地區確實有點複雜。儘管歷史上有不同的歸屬,1914年後,這些地區就屬於印度了”。所謂“流亡政府”要員也同聲回應。達賴所說的“阿魯納恰爾邦”、“麥克馬洪地區”歷史上歸西藏地方政府管轄,面積達9萬多平方公里,有五世達賴喇嘛修建的寺廟,是六世達賴喇嘛的出生地,歷代中國政府從未承認過非法的“麥克馬洪線”。達賴一方面圖謀在中國版圖上建立歷史上從未存在、包括西藏和四省藏區在內的“大藏區”,另一方面卻把祖宗之地拱手讓給外國,實屬數典忘祖,充分暴露了他企圖依靠外國勢力分裂中國的本質。這樣一個人,有什麽資格“代表西藏人民”,有什麽資格談“西藏的宗教、文化、語言、人權”?這也從反面說明,中國中央政府要求達賴必須承認西藏自古以來是中國領土不可分割的一部分,是完全正確和必要的。 

    2009年10月31日達賴在東京記者會上說,“中國政府把我看作一個麻煩製造者,所以我的職責就是去製造更多的麻煩”。達賴以爲挑撥、破壞中國與有關國家的關係就可以起到對中央施壓的作用,這種行徑只會惡化同中央的關係,只會激起全國人民更強烈的反感,最終自己種下的苦果還得他自己嘗!

 

 

 



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歐巴馬"私人"會晤達賴支持藏人民權, 北京召見美國大使抗議
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A visit by the Dalai Lama to Washington has "seriously undermined" relations between the US and China, Beijing says.  2010/0219

http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/americas/8523319.stm

It released a strongly worded statement in response to US President Barack Obama's meeting with Tibet's spiritual leader, the Dalai Lama.

China had earlier expressed "strong dissatisfaction and resolute opposition" to the meeting with a man they see as a separatist.

It said the US should "take effective steps to eradicate the malign effects".

Washington had kept the Dalai Lama's meeting low-key to emphasis it was private rather than political.

Hurt feelings

Despite that, China's Vice-Foreign Minister Cui Tiankai summoned ambassador Jon Huntsman to lodge a "solemn representation".

The Dalai Lama (L) and US President Barack Obama at the White House Map Room - 18 February 2010
The talks were held in the White House Map Room instead of the Oval Office

"The behaviour of the US side seriously interferes in China's internal politics and seriously hurts the national feelings of the Chinese people," a ministry statement said.

China never reacts well to these meetings, which have been taking place for nearly two decades, says the BBC's Quentin Sommerville in Beijing.

But this time it has expressed its dissatisfaction in stronger terms than ever before.

The meetings highlight Beijing's terrible human rights record, and remind the world that many Tibetans are deeply unhappy with China's heavy-handed rule in Tibet, our correspondent adds.

The White House meeting was held amid recent tensions, mainly over a US arms sale to Taiwan and allegations of Chinese cyber-spying.

MARDELL'S AMERICA
Mark Mardell
The real test of US-China relations will not be the Dalai Lama but what happens on sanctions against Iran

Chinese Foreign Ministry spokesman Ma Zhaoxu said in a statement that the meeting between President Obama and the exiled Tibetan leader "violated the US government's repeated acceptance that Tibet is a part of China and it does not support Tibetan independence".

He added: "Use concrete actions to promote the healthy and stable development of Sino-US relations."

During the low-key meeting, President Obama expressed his "strong support" for Tibetan rights, his spokesman said.

The closed talks were held at the White House's Map Room instead of the more official Oval Office, in an attempt to signal to China that it was a private, not a political meeting.

Mr Obama praised the Dalai Lama's commitment to non-violence and "his pursuit of dialogue with the Chinese government", the spokesman said.

The Dalai Lama told reporters outside the White House that he expressed to the president his admiration for the US as a "champion of democracy, freedom, human values" and creativity.

'Deteriorating relations'

The White House had defended the decision to receive the Dalai Lama, saying he was "an internationally respected religious leader".

On the streets of Beijing, residents criticised the US to the BBC.

歐巴馬接見模式介於布希與柯林頓間: 非巧遇, 只釋出官方照片一張, 但不攝影.
By Richard Lister
BBC News, Washington

Not too many people meet the president at the White House wearing flip flops, particularly in the freezing depths of February.

But the Dalai Lama is no ordinary visitor, and not just because of his footwear.

Despite his relatively limited political influence, the impact of the Dalai Lama's presidential face-time resounds far beyond Washington. It provides a yardstick for measuring the administration's commitment to human rights, and for assessing its willingness to stand up to China.

So his visits to the White House are minutely choreographed with the understanding that how he is received here is at least as important as what is discussed behind closed doors.

President Bill Clinton was so wary of the possible Chinese repercussions that he chose never to have a formal meeting with the Dalai Lama, opting instead to "drop by" when the Dalai Lama was meeting other US officials.

Chinese sensibilities

George W Bush was somewhat more welcoming, becoming the first president to be filmed in public with the Dalai Lama. The obviously warm relationship between the two men when the president gave him the Congressional Gold Medal in 2007 infuriated the Chinese.

President Obama and the Dalai Lama
The two men held a seemingly animated discussion

But even President Bush did not allow TV cameras into his White House meetings with the Dalai Lama, a step which would be even more antagonising to Beijing.

President Obama seems to have opted for something in between those two approaches.

He met the Dalai Lama in the Map Room of the White House, avoiding the obvious symbolism of the Oval Office. A single photograph was released of the two of them, but the TV cameras were kept well away.

China condemned the meeting anyway, but that is part of the ritualised diplomatic dance that these meetings have now become

No-one expects this deliberately low-key meeting to have any real impact on US-Sino relations.

Of course, by keeping it so low-key, the president risks tarnishing his credentials as a champion of human rights.

'Worth fighting for'

There was outrage from pressure groups when the Dalai Lama came to Washington last year and the president decided not to meet him in advance of his first official trip to Beijing.

That was a clear nod to Chinese sensibilities but was inevitably condemned by those who felt human rights had been dropped down the US agenda.



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Dalai Lama to meet Obama amid row  2010/0218 BBC

Tibet's exiled spiritual leader, the Dalai Lama, is due to meet US President Barack Obama at the White House, despite objections from China.

近期之爭議

Google - China denies being behind an alleged cyber attack on the US search engine.
Taiwan - a US sale of $6.4bn (£4bn) of defensive arms to Taiwan has angered Beijing.
Tibet - China says a US meeting with the Dalai Lama would "undermine relations".
Trade - rows over imports and exports of meat, media, car tyres and raw materials.
Iran - the US fears China will not back tougher sanctions against Tehran over its nuclear programme.

Climate - the US is disappointed at China's tough position at the Copenhagen Summit.

The meeting comes amid tension in US-Sino relations, with disputes simmering over US arms sales to Taiwan, claims of Chinese cyber-spying and trade deals.

China, which views the Dalai Lama as a separatist, has warned the meeting will undermine relations.

The US is keeping formalities low-key and has downplayed China's concerns.

On his arrival in Washington on Wednesday, the Dalai Lama headed to a hotel for a ceremony to mark the Losar new year with fellow Tibetans.

The Dalai Lama's special envoy, Lodi Gayari, said that it was "important in itself that the meeting is happening".

He said that the Dalai Lama would be asking the US president to "help find a solution in resolving the Tibet issue that would be mutually beneficial to the Tibetan and Chinese people".

Sensitive issues

White House spokesman Robert Gibbs last week defended the decision to receive the Dalai Lama, saying he was "an internationally respected religious leader".

 Mr Obama avoided meeting the Dalai Lama in Washington last year ahead of his own first state visit to Beijing.

He said the Sino-US relationship was mature enough to disagree while finding common ground on international issues.

Thursday's meeting will take place in the White House Map Room, not the symbolic surroundings of the Oval Office, where Mr Obama normally meets foreign leaders and VIP guests.

The Dalai Lama will also meet Secretary of State Hillary Clinton at the State Department.

Citing the "high sensitivity of Tibet-related issues", China's foreign ministry had urged the US to call off the visit to "avoid any more damage to Sino-US relations".

China, which took over Tibet in 1950, considers the Dalai Lama a separatist and tries to isolate the spiritual leader by asking foreign leaders not to see him. The Dalai Lama fled Tibet in 1959 after a failed uprising against Chinese rule and has since been living in India.

'Cyber attack'

The White House meeting comes soon after China expressed strong displeasure at the sale of $6.4bn (£4bn) worth of US weapons to Taiwan.

Beijing regards Taiwan as a Chinese territory to be reunified by force if necessary.

Another source of tension is internet censorship, following claims by the search giant Google that it had suffered a "sophisticated and targeted" cyber attack from inside China.

Mr Obama has also given signs of getting tougher on the long-standing dispute over China's currency, which some traders feel is kept artificially weak.

However, the US wants Chinese support in the United Nations regarding sanctions against Iran over its nuclear programmes.

This is not the first time that China has been angered by US support for the Dalai Lama.

Beijing was infuriated in 2007 when President George W Bush both received the Dalai Lama at the White House and attended a ceremony at which he was awarded a Congressional Gold Medal - the top US civilian honour. It was the first time a sitting US president had appeared in public with the exiled Tibetan leader. 

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中共統戰部官員警告美國若見達賴將遭報復
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China warns Obama over Dalai Lama
By Michael Bristow
BBC News, Beijing

China has warned the US president that it will harm ties between the two countries if he meets the Dalai Lama.

Chinese Communist Party official Zhu Weiqun said there would be "corresponding action" if the meeting went ahead.

The White House has indicated that Barack Obama intends to meet the head of Tibetans in exile.

Mr Zhu's comments follow talks between China and the Dalai Lama's representatives in China.

The talks yielded little progress, with both sides reiterating positions that were "sharply divided".

No compromise

Mr Zhu talked at length about China's view on a possible meeting between Mr Obama and the 1989 Nobel Peace Prize winner.

He said: "It will seriously undermine the foundations of Sino-US political relations."

Mr Zhu, of the Chinese Communist Party's United Front Work Department, said China would retaliate.

It will seriously undermine the foundations of Sino-US political relations
Zhu Weiqun on possible Obama-Dalai Lama meeting

"If [the meeting] does happen we will take corresponding action to make relevant countries see their mistakes," he said.

These comments come straight after a disagreement between China and the US about the sale of American military equipment worth $6.4bn to Taiwan, an island China considers its own.

Mr Zhu was speaking at a press conference to discuss the recent five-day visit to China by the Dalai Lama's representatives.

This is the ninth time the two sides have met since 2002, but there is little common ground between them, as the Communist Party official acknowledged.

"The positions of the two sides are sharply divided," he said.

"We have become accustomed to this - this has become a norm rather than an exception."

According to China, at this latest round of meetings the Tibetans again reiterated their hopes for the introduction of greater autonomy in the Himalayan region.

Mr Zhu said there was no possibility of the "slightest compromise" on the issue of sovereignty in Tibet.

He also attacked the Dalai Lama, who he said was a troublemaker.

The Dalai Lama fled Tibet in 1959 after a failed uprising against Chinese rule.

"He should make a thorough self-examination of his words and deeds and radically correct his political positions if he really expects results of contact and talks," said the Chinese official.

The talks between China and the Tibetans in exile, based in Dharamsala in India, follow an important conference held last month by Chinese leaders to review their Tibet policies.

The meeting established China's goal of bringing about "leap-forward development" and long-term security in the region, which saw major unrest in March 2008.

Despite riots and demonstrations directed against Chinese rule, Beijing believes its policies in Tibet are correct.

"The conference especially demonstrated the brilliant achievements in Tibet in the new century," said Mr Zhu.

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達賴特使訪問湖南、北京
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新聞速報 2010.01.26

西藏流亡政府:要求名副其實自治

中央社

     西藏流亡政府與中國今天重啟中斷15個月的談判。西藏流亡精神領袖達賴喇嘛的2名特使將抵達湖南,之後轉往北京與中國官員會面。

     香港明報報導,達賴喇嘛辦公室昨天發表聲明指出,達賴喇嘛的2名特使甲日洛迪和格桑堅贊今天將抵達中國,展開「第9輪藏中會談」,以尋找解決西藏問題的辦法。

     西藏流亡政府發言人說,這次談判將延續上一輪的議題,要求中方在藏區落實「名副其實的自治」,此立場沒有退讓的餘地。

     此外,挪威「西藏之聲」引述西藏流亡政府首席部長(總理)桑東仁波切說,兩名特使和其餘3名隨同人員組成的特使團,今天到湖南參訪,之後前往北京,但不會到西藏。結束會談後,特使團將於下月初返回印度。

     2002年至今,達賴喇嘛的特使與北京當局進行過8輪談判,但雙方未有實質進展。

     2008年11月在北京舉行的第8輪談判中,達賴特使向中方遞交一份「有關全體西藏民族實現名副其實自治的建議」,但遭中方全盤否定,並指責達賴的真正用意是尋求西藏獨立。

     桑東仁波切說,上述建議是經過長時間研究及7次談判後得出的最後總結,「在此方面沒有任何需要附加的內容或者讓步的餘地」。特使團這次會再向中方詳細說明建議,希望消除中方的誤解。

     不過,桑東仁波切坦承,「我們對此(實際性成果)不抱什麼希望。」

     西藏流亡政府「藏中和談籌備小組」1月20日至21日舉行第20次會議,就會談作準備,並獲得達賴喇嘛的指示。

     中共中央第5次西藏工作座談會18日至20日召開,中國國家主席胡錦濤、國務院總理溫家寶等領導人出席並發表講話,強調西藏要實現「跨越式發展」。990126

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達賴建議兩岸應建設"獨特親密關係"
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西藏精神領袖達賴喇嘛昨天上午離台,在機上接受美聯社專訪時,首次提到因貪汙案遭羈押的前總統陳水扁,他說陳水扁是他好友,卻因犯錯而身陷牢獄,不過「這對台灣是件好事」,因為這代表台灣在法律之前,人人平等。

達賴喇嘛認為,陳水扁身為前總統,犯錯照樣被關,表示台灣是個自由民主的國家。

達賴喇嘛對大陸直航也很肯定,他說直航能促進兩岸交流,是好現象,「許多中國遊客來到台灣,旅遊更方便,這很正面。」他也重申兩岸應有「獨特親密的關係」,指出兩岸使用共同語言,不少台商在大陸投資,大陸受金融風暴衝擊有限,「未來台灣的景氣復甦,恐怕還是得靠大陸」。

達賴喇嘛昨天上午七點五十分搭乘華航一八一班機飛印度德里,有民眾手持雪山獅子旗及哈達前往桃園機場歡送達賴喇嘛,高雄市長陳菊也特別到登機門送行。

在抵達機場時,面對媒體提問是否認為將來能回西藏,他堅定地說:「我們一直都準備好回西藏,當然,每位西藏人也都這麼想。」

至於新疆發生漢人示威事件,中國政府該怎麼處理?達賴喇嘛說「有些問題出在領導身上,怎麼處理就看他們」。

達賴喇嘛此行雖待六天五夜,但午夜抵達、清晨離開,完整行程僅四天,相當匆促,不過達賴喇嘛一再表示很滿意,「我拜訪任何一個地方,都有兩個使命,一是提升人類心靈的價值,二是促進宗教和諧、化解衝突」,而此二目的在為災區祈福、辦法會,以及和樞機主教單國璽對談中,都圓滿達成。

達賴喇嘛基金會董事長達瓦才仁表示,達賴此行有個小遺憾是未能與華人科學家對談,他說達賴喇嘛曾說若能跟科學家做「心靈與科學的對話」,從腦神經等領域探討心靈,會非常好,達賴也一直掛心前兩次邀他來台的中國佛教會理事長淨心長老,但達瓦考量行程太滿,難以另拜會淨心長老,又不好請較年長的淨心長老前來,才擱下會面。

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