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陳小雅﹕又見地獄──文革40周年暨毛死30周年“余王事件”觀感
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lukacs
古士塔夫

或許分版可以加一個"維權與民運"

多維新聞網上許多海外民運領袖有文章討論民運策略(王希哲還有自己的網誌).我覺得余杰王怡這事很值得關注.海外民運領袖應該研究研究孫中山與康梁流亡海外時的競合,中華革命黨以及尤其民進黨在海外的革命過程

網址所給的時間大概是美國時間,比作者寫成的大陸時間要慢些,這樣的文章可以透過電子郵件實時登到國外網站,中國社會的開放確實有了驚人的進展

http://www1.chinesenewsnet.com/MainNews/Opinion/2006_5_24_19_20_37_754.html

來稿/正在閱讀一位朋友的文集﹐沉浸于難得一遇的精神享受。一連數天﹐沒有留意郵箱裡積累的郵件。聽說有飯局﹐多日不見的朋友們要聚會一下﹐臨行前才想到﹐莫不是有什麼公事需要討論﹖於是把連日來的各種信件都匆匆瀏覽一遍……(
這一看不要緊﹐它使我驟然之間﹐由心境的天堂跌入情感的地獄﹗

感謝那位不相識的送材料者﹐提供了視角齊全的各方面文件﹐余王事件的經過﹐得以清楚地呈現在眼前。但讀罷後﹐各種翻騰于胸中的感受﹐卻不能夠讓人冷靜和清醒﹕(chinesenewsnet
我讀到了余杰矜持中的惶惑﹐讀到了王怡得意後的痛苦﹐讀到了郭飛雄抑制下的憤怒……(
這三人我都未曾謀面﹐只讀過其中一人──余杰──的一篇文章﹐但借助他們的戲劇臺詞般傳神達意的經典句式﹐我能夠想象出﹐他們各自的表情﹑心理﹐以及由這個奇怪三角組合而成的荒謬﹑黑暗﹑慘厲……觀之不得不令人心寒。除了但丁的《地獄》﹐迄今為止﹐我尚未從任何藝術虛構中領教過它的氛圍。但它﹐卻是由活生生的人物﹐在真實的場景中﹐演出的活生生的劇目﹗

也許這真是什麼神跡﹖它就發生在文革爆發四十周年﹑結束三十周年﹐毛澤東死去三十周年的紀念日”──這真是一組黑暗﹑黑暗中透露曙光﹐而令人百感交集的日子﹗(chinesenews
我的確想到了(chinesenewsnet.c
──
有苦難言的哈姆雷特﹔
──
出走大渡河的石達開﹔(chinesen
──
尚未埋藏西路軍尸骨﹐又被剝權的張國燾﹔
──
折戟大漠﹐死不瞑目的林彪﹔(chinesenewsnet.com)
我更想到了1959年的廬山會議。那一次﹐毛澤東揚言我走﹐以退為進﹑後發制人﹐逼彭德懷就範﹐不惜挾中共全黨利益﹐做六億生靈的一”……
我的確聯想到了魔鬼(chinesenewsnet.c

換作任何一個人﹐只要他血管裡流動的不是水﹐如果處在郭飛雄的位置﹐他都不可能不憤怒﹗(chinesenewsnet.c
換作任何一個人﹐只要他的頭顱裡有一付腦子﹐如果處在余杰的位置﹐他都不可能沒有惶惑﹗(chinesenewsnet.
換作任何一個人﹐只要他胸膛裡跳動的還是一顆凡人的心﹐如果處在王怡的位置﹐他怎麼可能沒有痛苦﹗
各種徒然的猜想﹑懸念﹐各種流言蜚語﹑指控和不理智言論的宣泄﹐與事情本身的奇特相比﹐統統都不值得奇怪。因為事情的本身太奇怪了﹕兩個在政治角斗場上還只是孩童輩的小家伙﹐只因為一個噴嚏﹐居然把堂堂美國總統──雖不是出于精心策劃﹐但也並不愚蠢的──具有歷史意義的行為力道﹐化解得無形無影﹔使眾多前輩高手瞠目結舌﹔令基督徒迷惑﹔自由主義戰士痛心﹑擔心……
如果不是出于的安排﹐誰能夠設計出這樣一出劇目﹖﹗(chinesenewsne

說實話﹐我的確曾經想到了如下字眼﹕奸﹑邪惡﹑偽善……﹐訴諸于直覺﹐我也曾想到了特務這種職業。但理性又告訴我﹐如果這真是一場政治斗爭﹐那倒不可怕了。因為在政治的戰場上﹐強中自有強中手﹐勝敗乃兵家常事。可怕的是﹐他們全都是──或有可能是──“好人﹗他們全都懷著正確的理念﹐服務于正當的事業﹐或至少是打著能夠眩惑人心﹑號稱正義的旗號﹐使用的全是我們認同的概念和道理﹗這是不是意味著﹐好人犯罪﹐也只是一念之間的事﹐並且無人能夠幸免﹖﹗
是的﹐這一光天化日下侵犯人權的事件﹐真的就發生在人權斗士之維權活動當中﹗這一對于生命的戕殺──就其對受害者的心靈損傷而言──真的就發生在追求道德至善和號稱博愛的基督徒身上﹗
郭飛雄有再大的毛病﹐他所採取的立場有再大的問題﹐他所行走的路線有再大的盲目性﹑破壞性﹑局限性﹐但是﹐細想一下﹐他的問題﹐孰人能免﹖孰人能在一切時間的一切場合的一切層次上都宣布與之無緣﹖或者﹐他僅僅是與我們行為﹑理念﹑覺悟與關照層面有差異﹐為什麼我們就不能夠求同存異﹖退一萬步﹐無論如何﹐他不是罪犯﹐不是殺人者﹑強奸者﹑盜竊者﹑賣國者或告密者。我既可以和這樣的人同行在一條大道﹐同居于一個屋檐﹐同用于一個餐桌﹐同乘于一輛公車……為什麼不可以一同與他去見小布什﹖﹗你們既不屬于交戰國﹐也沒有不共戴天的殺父之仇﹐更沒有多少道義上互為難堪的私人過節……有什麼必要採取如此排他的立場﹖﹗
常言道﹐惟女人和尊嚴不可以假人﹐難道小布什是你家囊中的私物﹖把一個有尊嚴的大國領袖﹐形容為一個愛吃甜餅就只願意接見鄰居甜餅店的老板娘的輕狂之徒﹐這難道就是懷有上帝般胸襟的你們心目中的政治﹖兒戲呀﹗(
胸無點墨﹐卻要做天下文章﹐是為﹔沒有大小的概念﹐卻硬要分出個高低﹐是為。人有虛妄﹐定不善自處。一個不能正確對待他人的人﹐皆源于他首先不能正確看待自己。這裡﹐我們又不能不想到民運人士的修養問題……
余王事件﹐再次使我想到邵建先生的一個形象的比喻﹕民運﹐其實是一個江湖
……”(
江湖中盛行的是鬥氣﹔江湖的統一﹐往往要訴諸于大比武之類的活動﹔在這些大比武中﹐你可以看出各路人馬的武功﹕什麼人有實力﹖什麼人有技謀﹖什麼人走火入魔﹖什麼人花架子﹖什麼使陰招﹖……雖然不是人人看得明白﹐但也決不是無可品評的。但江湖也有江湖的規矩﹐黑道也有黑道的倫理。江湖人來去自由﹐不負責任﹐你可以上天入地﹐恃強爭勝﹐死而後已。但你小不可以侵犯婦孺﹑老人和病人﹐大不可以出賣同門﹑背師叛國﹑誅殺無辜
……(
那麼﹐民運──作為一個江湖﹐你有沒有自己的規則呢﹖

以筆者有限的眼界﹐近幾年來﹐中國民運形勢大好﹐但這片江湖的生態﹐卻在趨于惡化。這其中原因﹐既有江湖的迅速壯大﹐成份的駁雜﹐戰線的錯落﹐冷熱的失調﹔也由于國際的干預﹐帶來各種利益﹑榮譽資源的日漸豐富﹐分配不均……當然﹐在文革環境中完成胎教﹐接受了所謂新宗教理念而繼承了舊宗教手段﹐又沒有正反兩方面經驗﹐沒有經歷過痛苦歷練﹑沉淀和達到一定覺悟的新生代的驟然加入﹐也是原因之一……然而﹐諸種原因之中的最重大原因﹐便是因新形勢的急需﹐顯得更加緊迫短缺﹑而遲遲不能有所成長的江湖規則的闕如﹗
冼岩先生──不論人們懷疑他是誰──說得好﹕
中國民主運動如果不擺脫對宗教﹐對道德和人的糾纏﹐回歸到政治和法律層面﹐建立一種機制和制度﹐也就是憲政民主的話﹐將滑向萬劫不復的深淵。(見冼岩《這些人說他們是基督徒﹑自由民主鬥士》)
江棋生先生也問得好﹕從魏﹑王反目﹐到民主黨分裂﹔從海外民運大內訌﹐到中國人權的拉杆子出走……再到今天發生的事件﹐我們是不是可以總結出一些帶共性的教訓﹐以求對民主事業有所積累呢﹖

丁子霖女士說得好﹕

今天是各利益群體博弈的時代﹐講究的是游戲規則﹐而不是耍槍弄棒掄板斧。都說今天的中共政權越來越黑社會化了﹐這是事實。但我們需要的是用文明來代替野蠻﹐是花大力氣迫使當權者不得不遵守人類文明的准則。這件事做起來很難﹐但再難也不能放棄努力。(見丁子霖2006223日致高智晟公開信《請回到維權的行列中來》)
的確﹐余王事件如果帶來的是一場分裂和血腥惡斗的話﹐這片江湖難免沉入萬劫不復的深淵。但我也高興地看到﹐有更多的人並沒有投入惡鬥﹐他們仍在沉默﹐在思考﹐在等待抉擇。我但願﹐這場劫難﹐成為我們對規則意識覺醒的時刻﹔這種沉默思考﹐將帶來集體的理性抉擇。我但願﹐我們重見地獄之日﹐也是預告江湖曙光重現的一天﹗(
惟此﹐才不會枉費了那麼多人的犧牲﹐和那個關于十字架寓言﹗
至于王怡們﹐我但願他們──不是魔鬼﹐而只是被魔鬼附體而偶犯魔鬼行徑的人﹐他們的愚蠢只是糊涂一時”──能夠冷卻下來﹐換位多角度靜思數日﹐不要忙著辯護﹑乞求原諒﹑懷有僥幸﹐更不要忙著說什麼永遠
真心的懺悔對自身有益﹐公開的道歉也不是恥辱。它們﹐正是你走近神的天梯﹗

不信﹐你可以一試。

2006
525日凌晨450分於北京家中

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政教分離
    回應給: 古士塔夫(gustavq) 推薦1


lukacs
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古士塔夫

基督教(或任何其他宗教)的信仰自由可以是一個突破口。西方曾有要求信仰與君主不同宗教而壓服專制取得政治自由的曲折經驗。但是該過程仍有新主流宗教壓迫舊宗教的教訓。

基督教對政治民主有個正面的價值:張灝所謂的「幽暗意識」,認為人性屬惡,即原罪說,所以導出制衡制度之必要。中國哲學缺乏這點(荀況、韓非除外),是以偏向修身齊家的教養萬能論,阻礙了以制度保障民主的道路。

但任何嚴肅的宗教都不能排除二元論,往往以我為是,有走向極端壓制異教的危險,美國近來接近新教福音派治國了,布希總統曾說伊戰是我們的神打敗他們的。歐洲排外思想中,宗教也扮演了重要角色。

初步認為,要以基督教擔任中國民主先鋒,實行上不可能,結果也不會好。中國民族主義強,又有不少慕斯林居住在廣大的中亞地區,最終世俗國家政教分離原則是一定要捍衛的。
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基督文明在中國?
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  • Yu(余杰) insisted to me that Christianity will play the decisive role in bringing to China the freedoms that political protesters died demanding in Tiananmen Square in 1989.
  • And according to Yu(余杰) and others, the most important political challenge that China's communist leaders have faced since the Tiananmen protests comes from the two rapidly growing but antagonistic religious movements -- the Christian dissidents and the followers of Falun Gong.
  • "We are essentially different from the democratic fighters in the past because we have guidance from God. We want to bring changes to China through the love and justice of God and through nonviolent means," he said in language that none of the Tiananmen dissidents I interviewed in the square in 1989 and in exile ever used.

我記得楊小凱也對基督教充滿信心,認為可以讓中國走向光明。(細節我記不清楚,似乎是基督教+資本主義+民主) 

為什麼民運人士會有這種借基督教來拯救中國的想法呢?基督教跟西方文明的結合及其善果,也可以移植到中國來嗎?

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A Chinese Dissident's Faith
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By Jim Hoagland
Sunday, May 28, 2006; B07

http://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-dyn/content/article/2006/05/26/AR2006052601615.html

By instinct and training, we journalists are suckers for political dissidents. Their struggles are the ultimate underdog stories, with prison terms or even death as the stakes. Editors reinforce reporters' instincts by awarding prime display to the act of protest in its many forms.

By instinct and training, we journalists are skeptics about religious activists. Their appeals are seen in newsrooms as special pleadings from organized interest groups. Editors reinforce reporters' instincts to treat religion politely but suspiciously. Ours is a secular trade honoring information more than faith.

This professional dichotomy ran through my mind during a recent conversation here with Jie, a Chinese writer who says his political opposition to the Beijing dictatorship is deeply rooted in Christian faith. insisted to me that Christianity will play the decisive role in bringing to China the freedoms that political protesters died demanding in Tiananmen Square in 1989.

made the same points two days later to President Bush in a White House meeting that suggested that even a faith-based president can also be uneasy with removing the walls between dissident politics and religious worship. When steered the conversation to that connection in China, the president shifted to other topics, according to the notes of one participant.

Bush did not shy away from talking about his own religious experiences in the little-noticed May 11 encounter, which was also attended by Vice President Cheney. But when appealed for public support for China's underground Christian movement and urged Bush to avoid "the mistakes made at the Yalta meeting" of 1945, Bush responded, according to the notes: "Are you married? Do you have kids?"

Bush no doubt was following diplomatic protocol. He may not want to risk new frictions right now with President Hu Jintao, who was embarrassed by a tirade from a Falun Gong protester on the White House lawn in April. And later in their conversation, Bush agreed to Yu's suggestion that Christian dissidents be invited to the U.S. Embassy in Beijing more often.

But the president's caution also seemed to reflect the difficulties that politicians, journalists and other citizens are having in coming to terms with an era in which religion has again become the driving engine of world politics.

A gathering struggle for the soul of Islam has triggered war across the Middle East and Central Asia. Right-wing fundamentalists are seen throughout Europe and much of Asia as dominating U.S. politics today. And according to and others, the most important political challenge that China's communist leaders have faced since the Tiananmen protests comes from the two rapidly growing but antagonistic religious movements -- the Christian dissidents and the followers of Falun Gong.

"Tens of millions of Chinese are becoming 'house church' Christians," says Yu, 33, who was briefly arrested two years ago for speaking out about human rights. His books and other writings are banned in mainland China, although they have been published in Hong Kong. "House church" Christians worship in private in small numbers without government sanction.

"We are essentially different from the democratic fighters in the past because we have guidance from God. We want to bring changes to China through the love and justice of God and through nonviolent means," he said in language that none of the Tiananmen dissidents I interviewed in the square in 1989 and in exile ever used.

Yu's activism began in 1989 at age 16. He watched first in awe as millions of students and workers filled the streets to demand political change and then in horror as many of them were slaughtered by Chinese military units to end the protests.

"After that there was only despair about politics," said. "The choice my generation seemed to have was going to jail or accepting injustice in order to pursue wealth. It was only through religious belief that I could sustain my convictions about the changes needed in China. We must not drink the milk of the wolf by using the rulers' tactics of violence and of ideology against them."

Assessing the accuracy of Yu's claims about the strength and direction of his underground religious movement from the distance of Washington is a hopeless task that is complicated by the journalistic habits of compartmentalizing the political and the pious that I mentioned at the outset.

But this dissident's sincerity, discipline and clarity of purpose were evident in our conversation. Bush did well to receive him and should seriously consider accepting the invitation that extended to worship with "house" Christians on the president's next trip to China.

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「維權與民運」分版
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